7. Ideological dimensions
It is impossible to find any monument of the Yugoslavian partisans on the territory of the present 'Republic of Macedonia' which does not claims that the 'heroes' were killed by "the Bulgarian Fascist Occupiers" . This term persists even nowadays in almost all the issues of the main newspaper "New Macedonia". Since the term implies a personal hatred to everything Bulgarian, it would be appropriate to analyse the ideology schemes of the Bulgarian State Presence in Macedonia in 1941-44.
During the World War II Bulgaria was an ally of Germany and naturally this had its repercussions in its political life. German political and military representatives were permanently posted in Bulgaria. When official receptions and festivities were held in their presence, some Natsi symbols (like swastika) were displayed. Among the variety of different Bulgarian political organisations several expounded ideas directly borrowed from the national-socialist or fascist ideology. Such organizations were operating on the territory of Vardar Macedonia as well. To deny their existence it is simply an absurd. But it is absurd too, to present the ideology of these small opposition organisations as an ideology of the official government policy.
In May 1945 in Skopie the former Bulgarian governor Dimitar Raev appeared before the Yugoslavian communist court. It would be interesting to quote the records of the procedure concerning educational and cultural policy
1. a short history of Bulgaria: a) The First Bulgarian Kingdom, b) The Second Bulgarian Kingdom, c) The Third Bulgarian Kingdom.
2. Liberation struggles: uprisings in Bulgaria and uprisings in Macedonia.
3. Liberation in 1878.
4. Unification struggles during 1912, 1913, 1915 and 1918.
5. The Agreement of June and establishment of Bulgarian authority in Macedonia - what the Bulgarian authority had done in Macedonia." [50]
Tchkatrov : We considered that with its help Macedonia acquired its long-expected liberty.
The Chairman : Only this ?
Tchkatrov : Only this. We did not approve the policy of fascism - we have our program and our doctrine." [51]
It should be emphasized that Bulgarian forces in Macedonia understood very well the deep dependency between the communism and Serbo-Macedonism. This is obvious from the plea of Eng. Dimitar Tchkatrov before the court in Skopie in 1945 :
Tchkatrov : They were to be prepared in order to be ready for eventual need to oppose to the Serbian influence.
The Public Prosecutor : Under Serbian influence do you understand the influence of the communist doctrine ?
Tchkatrov : The idea of communism in Macedonia was uphold mainly by those who have been under Serbian influence.
The Public Prosecutor : According to this you put a sign of identity between the Serbian influence and the communist doctrine ?
Tchkatrov : Yes, in most of cases - yes !" [52]
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50. I. Pavlovski, The Trial ..., p. 102. It is hardly probable that this dialect form have used the accused. Many of them, as for example the mayor of Ohrid Ilia Kotzarev during the trial and in the prison and after his liberation spoke only literary Bulgarian. They have no more authentic documents available.
52. I. Pavlovski, The trial... , p. 346-347; The connection between communism and Serbophilie is recognized by certain Macedonian communist: "In connection with talks for forming detachments for the area Poreche in August 1941 told me (Bruno Shikich, note of author): "Even then I have proposed to Shatorov that are existing conditions to set up partisans detachments in Poreche ..." Sharlo answered that in this area people feel ...