Many minority languages have never had their own state, others have had - though for a short time. Nevertheless, they have kept their integrity in the course of centuries, and have patiently waited for their recognition. This holds good of Ladinian, Basque, Sardian, Catalan and others. Quite to the contrary, there has never been a necessity for the creation of a spedal literary language to serve the Bulgarian-speaking Slavs residing outside Bulgaria (for example, in Vardar or Aegean Macedonia, Albania, Serbia, Rumania, Ukraine). Similarly, there had never been a Macedonian linguistic community dreaming for centuries on end to be recognised for its linguistic uniqueness.
As late as the XXth c. the method of linguistic partition (glossotomy)  would be repeatendly applied, motivated politically, rather than linguistically. In the West (as was the case of SlovenianNindian) those attempts crashed and burned. In the East however, forcefully conceived languages under communism (socialism) (Rumanian/Moldovan ; Finnish/Karelian; Tatar/Bashkir; Turkish/Gagaouz) did survive to live a longer "life" thanks to political coercion. Those who refused to accept language partition would be proclaimed nationalists and treated in the respective way. In politics, language partition was counted upon as a way to reinforce the new political borders, thus eliminating the feeling of one-time belonging to a certain community.  The strategies behind the fathering of such new languages in the communist regions would follow one and the same principles.
One scholar (or a handful united in a group) would publish an orthography, grammar, dictionary, bilingual dictionaries (but, note, never from the old to the new language, that is, never Rumanian- Moldovan, but Moldovan-Russian for example, or others). Shortly, they would publish a historical grammar, a history of the language, as well as a history of the new nation. Further, as "flank" initiatives, an Academy of Sciences, a National Theatre and a National Folk Ensemble would be established. In the meantime, a national literature was bound to shape up, and the first writer to venture in any genre, would be proclaimed a great playwright, novelist or Iyrist on the new language.  All that in its turn, called to life a literary history. The political accompaniment to the whole affair would be a most characteristic sentence in the communist countries: notably, that the (new) language was "a remarkable achievement serving the entire cultural complex". And, the direction to follow derived from the (unvoiced) formulation: "the worse the old language is treated, the better for the new one", that is, the worse Roumanian is being spoken/spelled, the better for Moldovan, which would be more correctly spoken/spelled. And, this entailed a deepening of the artificial gulf between the old and the new tongue (even by the use of force). All that holds good of the Macedonian literary language (македонскиот jазик).
Date of creation: 1944
Place of creation: The Socialist Republic of Macedonia (within the Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia) - the "Prohor Pcinski" monastery.
Used by: some 1 000 000 Bulgarians (in Macedonia).
Oldest literary monument: "New Macedonia" newspaper.
Блаже Конески, Историjа на македонскиот jазик. Дел I. Увод, За гласовите, За акцентот, Скопjе, 1952; Дел Il: 3a формите и нивната употреба, Cкоnje, 1957.
Блаже Конески, Исторjа на македонскиот jазик, Скопjе - Белград, 1965, 1981, 1982.
Правопис на македонскиот литературен jазик со правописен речник, Скопjе, 1970, 1979.
Речник на македонскиот jазик со српско-хрватски толкуваниjа (II-III), Скопjе, 1961, 1966, 1979, 1986.
в. Милики , Обратен речник на македонскиот jазик, Скопje, 1967.
Двуезични речници и учебници по немски, английски, френски, полски, румънски, руски и словенски.
Научно списание "Македонски jазик" от 1954 г.
М. Георгиевски, Македонско книжевно наследство од XI до XVIII век, Скопjе, 1979.
Д. Митрев. Повоени македонски поети. Антологиjа, Скопjе, 1960.
М. Друговац, Современи македонски писатели, Скопjе, 1979.
М. Ташковски, Кон етногенезата на македонскиот народ, Скопjе, 1974.
Историjа на македонскиот народ (Институт за национална историjа, Скопjе, 1969. I. Од предисториското време до краjот на ХVIII век. II Од почетокот на ХХ век до краjот на првата светска воjна. III Периодот меу двете светски воjни и народната револуциjа (1918-1945).
A most ridiculous text is the historical phonology of the new language fathered in 1944 (B. Koneski, A Historical Phonology of the Macedonian Language, Heidelberg, 1983).
A major departure was effected, not only from the Bulgarian language,
but also from its rich literary heritage, as well as from the world literature
in translation. However, something had to be saved, and it was done by
encroaching upon the miscellany of songs by the Miladinov brothers, born
in Macedonia, and which had been originally entitled "Bulgarian Folk Songs",
(1861) containing songs from Struga, Okhrida, Prilep, Kukus, Kostur and
from other parts of Vardar and Aegean Macedonia. In 1962 it came out in
Skopie under the forged title of "Miscellany", with a forged "Macedonian"
text, and on top of everything else, labelled "the most outstanding work
ever published, of the Macedonian literature.
In the lingual-geographic aspect, the "Macedonian" dialects were declared
all too unique, having nothing in common with Bulgarian. This explains
why a Macedonian dialectal atlas was never released. Every dialectologist
is well aware that there is no dialectical boundary to separate Bulgaria
from Macedonia (see the maps at the end of
this article), and that intrinsic Macedonian peculiarities (such as the
triple article, instead of Щ,
etc.) are common in Bulgaria too. Hence, the whole thing smells of Stalin-styled
misinformation which was successful in misleading even some representatives
of "critical" Slavonic studies in the West. 
With the political situation of today pregnant with options for new orientation, this destructive process needs to be contained, despite the deep traces it has left in the course of its 50-year-long development. I will refrain from forecasts as to the future direction linguistic development is likely to take. However, one thing is certain: the present shuation is quite unsatisfactory. Moreover, fears remain that there are quite a few people in Skopje, who might try to accomplish what has already been started. If so, a precedent for Europe might emerge when political glossotomy being a preliminary stage leading up to linguistic, respectively ethnic, changes, has turned out to be successful.
In view of the common, older than a millenium Bulgarian history, we can hope that political objectives resting upon numerous lies, will ultimately fail. Otherwise, the televised statement of a Serbian tchetnik on the Austrian Tv' might become a sad truth, notably, that Macedonians were not using a normal tongue, but a hotchpotch of Serbian plus Bulgarian words, hence, the Macedonians belonged to Serbia.
The fact that an American, Horace Lunt is the author of the Grammar
of the Macedonian Literary Language (Skopje, 1952), the first grammar-book
of Macedonian (!) paving the way for a literary language tailored by the
communists, attests to the profound "insight" Americans show in European
2) Wider access for Bulgarian so that it can be used parallel to the current form of the Macedonian literary language.
3) Optional teaching of Bulgarian in primary and secondary schools.
4) Establishment of an Institute of Bulgarian Language and Literature a1 the University of Skopje.
5) Usage of the Bulgarian alphabet (orthography) for the current form of the Macedonian literary language.
6) Lifting all restrictions over the free exchange of newspapers, magazines and literature between Macedonia and Bulgaria.
7) Linguistic integration by way of joint radio and TV broadcasts, as well as theatre shows and recitals in the two countries.
8) Creation of a joint institution on the Macedonian-Bulgarian linguistic matters. (The linguistic convergence could intensify in this way).
9) Avoidance of further serbization of the language.
10) Exchange of works of history between the two
11) The right of free choice of a surname.
12) Joint effort on behalf of Macedonia and Bulgaria for the recognition of the Slav-Bulgarian ethnic group in Aegean Macedonia (Greece) in compliance with the principles of the European minority rights (see: the linguistic map in "Die slawischen Sprachen" 15/1988).
13) Recognition of minorities based on uniform principles.
14) Observance of accurate terminology with regard to residents of Macedonia (Bulgarian Macedonians, Albanian Macedonians, Turkish Macedonians etc.) and of Bulgaria (Bulgarian Bulgarians, Turkish Bulgarians, Macedonian Bulgarians etc.) .
Translated by Daniela Konstantinova
1. See: DSS 14/1988: 23-66 (H. Goebl, Glottonymie, Glotottomie und Schizoglossie. Drei sprachpolitisch bedeutsame Begriffe).
2. See: DSS 19/1989: 11 5-i40 (K. Heitmann, Probleme der moldauischen Sprache in der Ara Gorbacev).
3. In the case of the Turkic peoples in the USSR, there were fears over the possible emergence of Pan-Turkic movements.
4. Compare, the valuable notes by Izo Kamartin, a specialist in Romansh (Nichts als Worte?) Ein Pladoyer fur Kleinsprachen. Zurich Munchen, 1985: 171 - Eine Kleine Literatur...)
5. P. Koledarov, Името Македония в историческата география, Sofia, 1985; H.R. Wilkinson, Maps and Politics, A Review of the Ethnographic Cartography of Macedonia, Liverpool, 1951.
6. Even surnames with the Bulgarian ending -os/-es were refashioned into -ски or -ски ( Serbian -и). Thus, Georgiev would turn into Georgievski or Georgievi.
7. My own experience testifies to how very anxious Serbia was over cutting off any contact between Bulgaria and Macedonia. After the First International Congress of Bulganan Studies closed (1981), I was travelling home from Sofia, when I was held for 5 hours at the Serbian border (in Gradina/Dimitrovgrad). There a UDBA-group from Nish started a lengthy inquiry, followed by taking away various Bulgarian books and magazines they found in my car. And since I wanted to speak in Bulgarian, they told me to use a normal (Serbian?) language. They accused me of being a Bulgarian spy employed by the Bulgarian secret services. Further I was warned that if I persisted in manifesting anti-Yugoslav sentiments (non-acceptance of the Macedonian language?), I had to suffer the respective consequences.
8. While in Slavonic and Romance studies and in general linguistics there was not a hint of hesitation as to the linguistic features of the region by World War II, after the war the view and stands of quite a few students of Slavonic studies concerning the Macedonian problem, could be singled out for their exceptional naively. The latter could very well be in some relation with summer courses in Macedonia at the fascinating Okhrida lake, or else with the awarding of the title of corresponding member of the Macedonian Academy of Sciences.
An example of the in-depth pre-war research is the work "Ethnography of Macedonia"., Leipzig, 1924 (re-printed in Sofia, 1981) by G. Weigand and "Studies in Macedonian Dialectology", Kazan, 1918 (re-printed in Sofia, 1981) by A.M. Selishtchev. Weigand, as well as Selischev, speak about Bulgarians in Macedonia and Macedonian Bulgarian language.
9. Compare D. Ilievski, The Autocephality of the Macedonian Orthodox Church. Skopje, 1972. As there is no national (Macedonian) translation available of the Bible, the Serbian one is being recommended, and it is another factor for the structuring of the Macedonian literary language. Bulgarian in all of its aspects is deliberately kept in hiding.
10. The story goes that one of the leading glossotomists was delivering a lecture at the St. Kliment of Okhrida" University in Sofia, in Macedonian: when however, a sudden draught scattered his manuscript, he just went on lecturing... in Bulgarian.