Last
autumn, when the Supreme Macedonian Committee was vested with power by
the
delegates of the Second Macedonian Congress, it was fully aware of the
whole
responsibility of the task it was taking upon itself. Placed at the
head of the
Macedonian cause of liberation after the treacherous suppression of the
uprising last year, the Committee could not but realize that its most
important
duty was to put an end to the disgraceful exploitation of this sacred
cause by
giving it the scope and independence it has always deserved.
Having thus
sized up the situation, from the very first days of its existence, the
Committee undertook a series of actions to test the hopes which we had
in the
Bulgarian government and to drain to the dregs the endless Promises of
the
Sublime Porte. After five long painful months the Committee is now in a
position to declare before the whole world that all these hopes and
Promises
have proved completely vain. And they proved vain in a way that waves
no room
for any future illusions and compels the Congress to raise its voice in
a
formal and public protest.
But before
expressing its protest, the Committee feels that it is incumbent upon
it to
tell the story of all the attempts by which it strove to wring, by
peaceful means,
a possible improvement of the lot of the population in Macedonia and
the
district of Odrin. This edifying story should become generally known
not only
in order to reveal the bottomless political cynicism of the Sublime
Porte
whenever it has concerned itself with the betterment of the unbearable
conditions of its Christian subjects, but also in order to pass
judgement on
the unpardonable weakness of the Bulgarian government reflected in I this sad story. Furthermore, making
this
disgraceful story public will help open the eyes of all those who
innocently
believed in Turkey's intentions to introduce reforms and, by dispelling
their
unjustified expectations, will perhaps convince them of the necessity
to
exercise real pressure on Turkey.
Already in the
end of January, the Supreme Macedonian Committee was informed that the
Bulgarian Prime Minister, Dr K. Stoilov, during his stay in
Constantinople had
agreed to four reforms proposed by the Sublime Porte for the
pacification of
Macedonia. As soon as it became familiar with the 'reforms', the
Committee
disowned the reforms through the press, and hastened to inform the
Bulgarian
government that these 'reforms' were so insignificant that there could
be no
question of their acceptance. Asked by the Bulgarian government, as
well as by
other political factors, to formulate the measures that could pacify
Macedonia
for the time being, the Committee immediately set about drafting the
proposals
for reforms, which are attached to the present circular letter. Upon
delivering
its proposals, the Committee took the opportunity of emphasizing that
these
were the minimal reforms that Turkey must introduce in order to restore
peace
and order in its European possessions and to avoid further violation of
Art. 23
and 62 of the
But while
awaiting the proclamation of these reforms, the Committee was surprised
by the
treacherous negotiations carried out in Constantinople last March for
the
lifting of the notorious schism and the removal of the Bulgarian
Exarchate from
the Turkish capital. Due to the resistance that Macedonia herself put
up to
this most vital question of church independence, the negotiations were
postponed for more favourable circumstances without being permanently
broken
off. The treachery instigated by Turkey was a serious symptom that the
Sublime
Porte was not thinking of introducing any real reforms at all in
Turkey's
European possessions and that its only object in this respect was to
lull the
consciousness of her Christian subjects with half-measures and empty
promises.
Not long after this, there came the Sultan's famous irade of reforms,
which
completely dispelled all doubts as to the revolting obstinacy of Turkey
over
the granting of any rights to her rayah.
The
above-mentioned irade has already been published in the newspapers, and
now
everyone can easily convince himself of the failure of the reforms it
contains.
Leaving on one side the universal conviction that even these crippled
reforms
will not be put into practice, or if they are, it will be in the course
of many
years to come, the Supreme Macedonian Committee cannot but state here
that ever
since the memorable year of 1839, when the famous Hatti-Sherif was
issued,
there has not been any firman of reforms which has not given more
rights to the
rayah than the Sultan's last irade. This circumstance in itself
suffices to
convince everyone that the reforms announced lately represent an
unheard-of
mockery of the sufferings and lack of rights of the Christian peoples
in
Turkey.
In view of
all this, the Supreme Macedonian Committee considers it its duty to
oppose the
introduction of these insignificant reforms with indignation and to
express its
deep regret that the Bulgarian government could agree to measures that
cannot
improve the terrible conditions in Macedonia and thus cannot calm the
unrest
among the population there.
At the same
time, the Supreme Macedonian Committee cannot refrain from declaring to
all who
show concern for the misfortune of the rayah in Turkey that the
Committee is
firmly determined to cease all further negotiations over any reforms
that
Turkey promises, and to concentrate its efforts on winning
political autonomy
for all the peoples in Macedonia and in the Odrin region, established
and
guaranteed by the Great Powers.
The Supreme
Macedonian Committee is firmly convinced that its efforts will find
sympathy
and support not only among the Macedonians themselves, not only among
the free
Bulgarians, not only among the states which consider that they have
brothers in
race in these Turkish provinces, but of all freedom-loving and
civilized
peoples.
Chairman of the Supreme
Macedonian Committee:
Nikolaev, General of the
Reserve
Secretary: T. Karayovov
1. The
present Soloun, Bitolya and Skopje vilayets should be merged into one
vilayet
with Soloun as its centre within the following boundaries:
The
boundary lines of this vilayet should start from the Serbian frontier
opposite
Vranya, and run along the north-western boundary between the districts
of
Preshovo, Koumanovo, Kachanik and Tetovo, merge with Karadag ridge and
from
mount Lyubotrun along the ridge of Shar mountain to Korab – the highest peak of Deshat, and then down the
river
Veleshtitsa, on which the big village of Radomir is situated.down to
the place
where the river empties into the Tsurni Drin; from there it should go
along the
same river up to the village of Ndret, and from thence along the
western
boundaries between the districts of
Ohrid and Korcha up to the Gramos Peak, down the boundary between the
districts
of Kostour, Kailyare, Voden and Karaferia, up to the place where the
boundary
of the last district is intersected by the river Bistritsa; from this
point it
should go along this river down to the Aegean Sea, and, then, turning
to the
east, along the coast and encircling Chalcidice Peninsula, until it
reaches the
mouth of the river Mesta; from here it should run northwest along the
same
river to the place where the tributary on which the village of
Radibosht is
situated empties into it and further along this river to the frontiers
with
Eastern Roumelia, from where it will merge with the frontiers of the
Bulgarian
and Serbian kingdoms.
2. A person
with strong sense of justice and tolerance and belonging to the
predominating
nationality in the vilayet should be appointed vali with a five-year
term.
N. B. The
appointment to this post of either Prince Aleko Bogoridi or Gavril
Krustevich
Pasha, who have always distinguished themselves, with their exceptional
qualities as high officials in the Ottoman Empire, would best suit and
satisfy
the Christian population in the vilayet.
3. The vali
should govern the vilayet with the help of a vilayet assembly, which
should be
elected from among the population strictly observing the rights of the
minority
groups and which should settle all questions concerning the
internal
administration of the vilayet.
4. The
individual and his abode should be equally inviolable for all residents
of the
vilayet. There should be no censorship of the press.
5. All
officials in the vilayet should belong to the nationality which is in
the
majority in the region in which they are appointed. The high officials
should
be appointed by His Majesty the Sultan at the suggestion of the vali,
while the
rest - by the vali himself.
6. The
language of the nationalities constituting the majorities in the
vilayet should
be recognized as official languages, side by side with Turkish in all
vilayet
institutions, and the administrative units should be left to choose one
of
these languages in their official intercourse.
7. The
educational matters of the Christian nationalities should be left in
charge of
the respective school organizations.
8. For the
maintenance of peace and order in the vilayet a gendarmerie should be
formed on
the basis of the recruiting system and directly subordinated to
the vali. The
gendarmerie and its officers should belong to the local nationalities,
which
should be represented according to their number and should not exceed
1% of the
local male population. The high officials should be appointed by His
Majesty
the Sultan, while the others - directly by the vali himself.
9. The
budget and the taxes in the vilayet should be determined by the vilayet
assembly. Twenty-five per cent of the income should be invested in the
State
Treasury, while the rest should be used to meet the local needs of the
vilayet.
11. A
general amnesty should be given to all political prisoners, whether
sentenced
or not, as well as to all those who are suspected of being unreliable
and who
are abroad.
12. Similar
reforms should be introduced into the vilayet of Odrin.
to 'Note on
the Reforms which must be introduced in
To point 1.
The territorial distribution not only is not at variance with previous
Turkish
legislative enactments of the same kind, but, in its essential
features, it
represents merely a restoration of the administrative divisions in
Macedonia on
the eve of the last Russian-Turkish war. It fully covers the natural
boundaries
of Macedonia from the geographical, ethnographical and economic points
of view
and is in compliance with the opinion predominant at the Constantinople
Conference of 1876 (see IIe Protocol, Seance du 16/28 decembre 1876)
also with
the spirit of the Berlin Congress (cf. XIII minutes of the Berlin
Congress),
the spirit that has always motivated the actions of the European
diplomacy
whenever the peaceful solution of the Eastern problem has been
discussed.
To point 2.
This point coincides completely with the proposals of the
Constantinople
Conference of 1876 (cf. Reglement Organique de la Bulgarie, paragraph 1
and 6
of art. 4) as well as with the Bill of Reforms for Turkey drawn up by
the
Eastern-Roumelian European Committee in 1880 (cf. Loi des Vilayets de
la
Turquie d'Europe, titre I, art. 21 et titre II, art. 27, paragraph 3).
To point 3.
This point completely coincides with the proposals of the
Constantinople
Conference (cf. ibidem art. 4, paragraph 7-17) as well as with the
proposals of
the EREC (ibidem, titre IV, art. 82).
To point 4.
This point completely coincides with the proposals of the EREC (ibidem,
titre
I, art. 4, II, 15, 19).
To point 5.
This point completely coincides with the proposals of the
Constantinople
Conference (ibidem, art.3) and corresponds to the proposals of the EREC
(ibidem, titre I, art. 21, paragraph 2 et titre XVI; art. 293).
To point 6.
This point completely coincides with the proposals of the
Constantinople
Conference (ibidem, art. 7, al. 5) and with the spirit of the proposals
of the
EREC (ibidem, titre. I, art. 22).
To point 7.
This point completely coincides with art. I of 'The bill of education' in
To point 8.
This point completely coincides with the proposals of the
Constantinople
Conference (ibidem, art. 8, al. 3) and with the spirit of the proposals
of the
EREC (ibidem, titre XVII, art. 305, 307 et 310).
To
point 9. This point corresponds to the proposals of the Constantinople
Conference
(ibidem, art. 5, al. 11).
To
point 10. This point completely coincides with paragraph 3 ot art. 23
ot the
To
point 11. This point corresponds to
the proposals of the Constantinople Conference (ibidem, art. 9).
To
point 12. This point completely coincides with Paragraph 2 ot art. 23 of the
On March
26, 1892 I filed a request to the Minister of the Interior with which I
had
enclosed the documents, which were then required, demanding as an old
veteran
of our national movements for the liberation of our country to be
granted some
land by the state as well as the necessary means for its
cultivation.
The
esteemed Ministry, having ascertained from the documents enclosed that
my late
father Priest Stoyan and I had taken an active part, arms in hand, in
the
nation-wide movement against the Turkish authorities before the
liberation of
the Bulgarian Principality, and taking into consideration my sufferings
and
hardships, as well as those of our entire family and our complete
material
impoverishment and misery, condescended to grant my request and the
state
granted me 3 hectares of land on the territory, belonging to the
village of
Konyavo, Kyustendil county ...
Koukoush
(Hissar district, the Soloun vilayet)
For several
days now, the population has been very agitated. I had just returned
from my
farm, when, on the following day I saw arriving in our town from Soloun
that
same Montenegrin, named Yovan Yovichovich, whom the authorities
investigating
the murder of the teacher Ganov1 had clearly proved to have
been one
of the leaders of the murder. Before the day was out, he had twice been
to see
the kaimakam (district governor - Ed. Note). They also called one or
two
Bulgarians, who had property in Koukoush, and on the next day he opened
a
Serbian school in one of the houses. Once the word got around, all of
the more
prominent citizens got together and decided to complain both to
the kaimakam
and to the vali in Soloun about the opening, in a purely Bulgarian town
like
Koukoush, where there is not a single Serbian to swear by, of a Serbian
school
with the sole aim of causing unrest and dissension among the quiet and
industrious population. In the meantime, all the local elders came and
took it
upon themselves to fulfil this just duty to the population and to
present
personally the two written requests in the proper places. The kaimakam,
however, who had already given his assent for the opening of the
Serbian school
in Koukoush, did not wish to pay any attention to the request which we
presented to him through the elders. The Soloun vali, on the other
hand,
forwarded the request to the kaimakam for his consideration. And, thus,
our
measures, in spite of all the trust we had in the justice of the
authorities,
remained fruitless, and the population began to get uneasy and express
its disgust.
The Montenegrin Yovichovich, who was at the same time sent as a
teacher, opened
the school in the Bulgarian house, and started enticing Bulgarian
children in
the streets, promising to give them twenty pari (Bulgarian
coins - Tr.
note) a day and various candies. In seven days he managed to gather
only ten
children, and they were from the poorest families in the town. At that
point,
our citizens, who were shocked by the unlawful acts and distorted
agitations
of the Serbian teacher, decided to make a more impressive step. This is
what
everybody, altogether, did: infuriated, they attacked the Serbian
school,
caught the teacher, the Montenegrin Yovichovich, and, after taking his
revolver, which he had aimed at them, they thrashed him, broke the
doors and
the windows of the school, and told the owner of the house, where the
Serbian
school was housed, that it would be burnt down if he continued to let
it for
the purposes of Serbian propaganda. After that, the kaimakam sent his
men to
arrest five of those who had taken part in the fight. On the next day
the
number of those arrested grew to thirty, and the newcomers entered the
prison
with songs and enthusiasm. The kaimakam immediately telegraphed the
news to the
vali. But apparently the vali, instead of solving the problem once and
for all,
by driving out the Montenegrin agitator, thought it more diplomatic to
convince
the Serbians in Soloun to send a few more people there. And
indeed, another
two Montenegrins came two days later to help the teacher Yovichovich.
One of
them was Nikola Babakovich, who had also taken part in the murder of
Ganov and
who had only recently been released from prison. Special police
officers from
Soloun also arrived to investigate the case. At the preliminary
investigations
all the prisoners sincerely and openly declared that, with most of the
people,
they had gone to the Serbian school to drive out the Montenegrin
teacher
Yovichovich, who, since he had arrived in Koukoush had been behaving in
a
provocative manner towards the population and had been using all
possible means
for distortion and for stirring up trouble.
Thus, for
example, when the citizens told him not to take their children from the
streets
into his Serbian school, not to give them 20 pari a day and not to feed
them
with candies, etc., in order to attract them and corrupt them, and to
refrain
from stirring up trouble through bribery, he answered arrogantly that
he was
not afraid of anybody, since he had one revolver on his right side, and
another
on his left, and that Koukoush was a Serbian town and would again
become such,
and, for this reason, the hopes of the people in Macedonia, who, he
said, were
Serbians, should turn to Serbia.
In reply to
this language, all the prisoners declared that we, Bulgarians, had not
been
able to endure this any longer, and had been driven into doing what we
had now
been arrested for. When the police officers from Soloun saw the resolve
of the
citizens of Koukoush, and reasoning that their demands were just, since
the
kaimakam had himself given them reason to lose patience, they had
reported
something - quite what I don't know - to the Soloun vali, and four days
later a
new kaimakam was sent to our town. He summoned all the more prominent
citizens,
greeted them on behalf of the vali, and asked them to explain the
incident
involving the Montenegrin Serbian teacher. The notables told him that
they
regretted what had happened, but they also remarked that it was not
difficult,
from the very first day the school was opened, to anticipate such a
development. They also reminded him that the city elders, after they
had seen
and heard the criminal and provocative actions of Yovichovich, had
presented a
request, complaining and warning the authorities about the bitter
consequences
that could ensue, but the latter had paid no attention to them. The
population
then grew impatient and the commune was no longer able to
influence them.
We believe
that the Sultan's government will understand the justice of the
Bulgarians'
request and will satisfy them.
The Sofia
Commissariat has reported that Grouev, under the pretext of inspecting
the
Bulgarian schools in the district of Soloun, goes everywhere and that
his
actions should be closely watched. At the same time the
Commissioner proposes
Georgi Voivoda, who was tried and sentenced in Skopje and who was not
included
in the last amnesty, be amnestied provided he promises to disclose
revolutionary secrets.
His Majesty
orders the Sublime Porte to consider the proposition of the
Commissioner and to
report its opinion to His Majesty.
Mr Agent,
The
undersigned Bulgarians (the first from Shtip, the second from Kratovo)
have
just returned from Bodrum, where Yossif Daskalov, Peter Poparsov, M.
Razvigorov, D. Miraschiev, A. Georgiev, A. Kostov, A. Lazov, Danail
Velkov,
Iliya Atanassov and Father Kozma, the Abbot of the Lesnovo Monastery,
have been
exiled.
In Asia, in
the bosom of our tyrant, there is a wild place called Bodrum, which, to
the
south-west, borders on a sea, and, to the north-east, is surrounded by
high
mountains. In that barren, rocky and sparsely populated land, there is
a
fortress, surrounded by high stone walls. Here is where our worthy sons
are
living! It was with great trepidation that we approached the ugly
facade of the
fortress, which boasted, as it were, that it held our dear children
within its
cold stone walls. The profound silence inside and outside the fortress
filled
our hearts with sadness and our eyes with tears. After long pleading,
an order
was given to let our patriots out to see us. In the tomb-like
stillness, a
great noise was made by the rattling chains. It was then that we beheld
a bunch
of people that tottered along, led by a man covered in a black tattered
cassock. We recognized the reeling black figure of Father Kozma, the
Abbot of
the Lesnovo Monastery, and his group of disciples, who had chosen the
way of
Christ, our rebels, not by their faces, but by the few words they said
in
Bulgarian. They came towards us calmly, but their faces were withered
and we
lost heart and burst out sobbing. Then the unfortunate martyrs smiled
at us in
order to console us. It was a smile not caused by joy, but by
suffering, and
by the rueful realization that their appearance had brought on our
sorrow and
our sobbing.
What a
mournful spectacle! Half-naked and clad in tatters, these
Macedonian lions
told us about the suffering they had gone through and about the
barbarous
tortures (the vice, the splinters, the hot eggs under the armpits, the
gallows,
and the red-hot irons under the armpits and in the mouth) as they
stamped the
earth with their feet. But that was not stamping, but the thumping of
dry legs!
Their heart-rending voices were hollow, despite their efforts to speak
more
loudly and forcefully, and sounded more like the voice of a man
drowning in the
depths of the sea, becoming fainter and fainter, stifled, as it was, by
the
waves of salty water.
These
martyrs, far away from their own beds and their own country,
imprisoned in
that wild land and in a hole walled in on all sides, walk about naked
and
barefoot, they are in chains and suffer so many privations! They are
almost
starving! Bread and leeks is their daily food! Appalling! All these
privations
were recounted with such accuracy, and in such a low and quiet voice,
that we
were filled with even greater emotion, and, after the sobbing we had
been
trying to contain for a long time, we could no longer hold back our
tears which
had hardly stopped. Woe! Had Nero himself seen and heard all this, he
would
have been moved! Even his callous heart would have been moved by this
piteous
sight, by the woeful tale of their sufferings and privations!
Miraculously.
however, their spirit had not been completely broken! 'We are dying for
the
people, and we are suffering for freedom!' they told us. Yes, they were
suffering for the freedom of the unhappy Macedonian Bulgarians! All
praise and
honour to them and to all like them! But what about their comrades,
those
Macedonians who have not sent them either money or letters, who have
not even
made inquiries with the government of their torturers? Well, we don't
know!
Those
peerless fighters for freedom, comparable with Vassil Levski, these
great organizers,
far away from their own people in that deathly silence (where they can
hear
neither about the result of what they have sown, nor about the latest
actions),
forsaken and abandoned in dire need, starved and unclothed as they are,
even
they will, after some time, weaken in spirit completely, and will decay
in that
dark, dank and tomb-like dungeon! Being aware of this pitiful end, they
implore
everyone who can do anything for their release, or, if not for their
complete
freedom, at least for their transfer to Rhodes Island with the
following words:
'If we are deprived of all human pleasures, in a word, of
human life, does it mean that we have to be
forgotten?!'
Most
Esteemed Mr Agent,
Have pity,
pity on these young martyrs! Take a look at them, too, and please
assist in the
fulfilment of their desire which is to seek the petition they have made
here,
to find out and inform them about the term of their exile, to work for
their
speedy release, and, for the time being, to do something at all costs
for their
transfer to Rhodes Island.
These
martyrs nurse great hopes in the gracious and generous Bulgarian
government, of
which you are a representative here. And why should they not do so,
since their
actions clearly show that they have cherished the idea of the united
Bulgaria
of yore, an idea shared by all Bulgarians? Their idea is the Golden
Age, i.e.
to have Moesia, Thrace and Macedonia form another Simeon Kingdom and
attain
bliss for all Bulgarians. Is this not the idea of every Bulgarian, be
he a free
man or a slave? Yes, it is! The Bulgarian government itself proved this
some
2-3 years ago by interceding with the Sultan for the reprieve of the
rebels.
This fills these martyrs for the happiness of Bulgarians with great
hopes that
the government of our free Bulgarians will obtain their freedom from
the
Sultan.
We also
believe in this, and we
remain greatly respectful to the Bulgarian government and its local
representative, its Diplomatic Agent.
Constantinople,
Sirkidji
Father of
the martyr M. Razvigorov: Spiro Stoloyan
The
martyr's brother-in-law Yossif Daskalov;
Kostadin M.
Boyadjiov
Kolyo,
I have
received all the letters sent by you and through you. Let us not allow
the
splits and splintering to frighten us. It is, indeed, a pity, but what
can we
do, since we are Bulgarians and all suffer from one common disease. If
this
disease had not been present in our ancestors, from whom we inherited
it, they
would have never fallen under the sceptre of the Turkish Sultan. It is
our duty,
of course, not to succumb to this illness, but can we make the others
do the
same? Besides, we have borrowed some other diseases from the Greeks,
one of
which is - the number of head equals the number of captains. This
damned kudos!
Everyone wants to shine, but does not know how deceptive glamour is.
Alas for
those over whose suffering these comedies are being played out.
As for the
spring, there is practically nothing definite yet, which is very sad,
but I
believe that everything will soon become clear.
I expect to
receive money to buy Crimean-type rifle cartridges, so that there will
be no
need to change them for Manlicher type.
Our
brothers from Pernik want a revolver, but have not thought of
sending money,
as if I had it in my pocket. As for the Martini-type rifle, for which I
received two Turkish liras, I should like to consult you: should I get
it here,
or will you buy it from there? If you have one of our own, it would be
well if
you send it to them.
Tell my brother
to write home.
Greetings:
Gotse
P.S. Those
enclosed here are for Pernik, one of which is for Diko from whom we got
a
telegram yesterday from Rila. See if he is still there so that it be
sent to
him there. I shall write to Pernik that they will get the Martini
rifle, but,
as for the revolver, when they send the money.
Gotse
The vali of
Kosovo reports that most of the priests and the teachers in the vilayet
are
members of the Macedonian Revolutionary Organization. Last year Manov
and Matov2
were expelled from the vilayet because their membership of the
Committee was
proved beyond dispute. Recently, the dismissal of the teacher... was
demanded
because he had attempted to extort money from a grocer in Shtip.
But the
greatest protectors of such teachers are the Bulgarian bishop and the
commercial agent, Rizov, who during his last stay in
His
Imperial Majesty the Sultan, to whose knowledge this was brought,
ordered that
the necessary measures be taken to remove both the bishop and the
commercial
agent from Skopje.
Mr
Minister,
Enclosed I
have the honour to send you the request made by a woman living in the
village
of Bogoumila (Veles district), Mrs. Dzouna Poparsova, asking you to
intercede
with the Sublime Porte for the transfer of her son Peter Poparsov -
sentenced
by the Military Commission to an imprisonment term of 101 years in
chains, in
connection with the notorious Vinitsa affair - to the islands, intended
for
exiles, where one could live the life of an exile, but not decay in the
dank
vaults of the dungeons of the Bodrum fortress.
I also
enclose a copy of a letter from the selfsame Peter Poparsov and from
his two
comrades (also sentenced to be chained) Mishe Razvigorov and Alexander
Kotsov,
addressed to the local Austrian Consul, in which, in addition to
describing
their difficult plight, they are asking for his assistance in having
them
transferred to an island together with those comrades of theirs who
have
received lighter sentences.
In the
first lines (N. No. from 1-10) of the list, which I send to you today,
together
with my confidential letter No. 330, you will find the names of all
those
unfortunates who, far from their native land, bitterly lament the cruel
fate of
their youth. If there is no pardon by the 19th of August, I, too,
implore you,
Mr Minister, for your immediate intercession, so that the hard and
wretched
life of these young unfortunates will be, at least, slightly alleviated.
Enclosed, please find:
Copy:
To the Minister of
Foreign Affairs and Religion in Sofia
Mr Minister,
In all the
letters sent so far, my son Peter Poparsov, banished a year ago to
Bodrum (Asia
Minor) - Klirek cezasi (penal servitude for 101 years) as a result of
the
notorious Vinitsa affair, has bitterly complained of the prison, the
damp and
of the brutal attitude of the prisoners (people of another faith) and
of the
prison guards towards him and his comrades Mishe Razvigorov and
Alexander
Kotsov. His plight and that of his two other comrades who are
serving the same
sentence will become even worse and more terrible after their other
comrades,
who have lighter sentences, have been transferred, as a result of the
concern
shown by the prison authorities to some island where they would be able
to live
more freely as well as to work. Judging by these letters, I can see
that a
great many unfortunates have become the victims of the damp, lack of
exercise
and of the brutality of common criminals and prison guards.
As a
mother, I can feel it most powerfully, and I have a presentiment of all
the
horror and destruction awaiting my son and me. I would have been glad
for him
to die anywhere but at Bodrum, where he can only count his days until
his
death. If my son has to die because of an offense which has never been
proved,
he should do so instantaneously, and not in this slow and inhuman
manner.
Finally, even if he is in prison, he should not be denied those
comforts, which
no matter how small they are, are considered to be an expression of
great mercy.
I appeal to
you for these things as a Bulgarian, I appeal to your patriotism and
your
feelings, Mr Minister. I shall consider it an act of mercy if you would
have
the kindness to take the necessary steps where needed, so that if they
would
not release them, they would at least transfer my son and his two
fellow-sufferers to some island where they would have the freedom to
live and
work, and be able to breathe fresh air and eat a piece of clean bread,
enough
to sustain their strength and their hopes. Only God and you can
intercede for
all unfortunates and this part of the homeland in which you take
much greater
interest than in many other national interests.
Hoping that
my request will evoke your patriotic sentiments and your attention, etc.
Copy
To His
Excellency, the General Consul of Austro-Hungary in Skopje
Your Excellency,
The prison
administration, and especially the District Governor, have themselves
helped
our comrades to be transferred from the prison, according to their
sentences,
to some of the islands for exiles because here they are being unjustly
treated
and mostly because they cannot guarantee their lives in the prison,
where we
are being subjected to the brutality of the a'most savage prisoners,
and to all
the misfortunes caused by them, and which corrupt both spirit and body.
Therefore, we the undersigned, who are forced to remain in the prison
under the
sentences which have been passed without a trial, will either be once
again
exposed to danger, or will be saved, if our life sentences are changed
to
sentences of exile, through your intercession with His Imperial Majesty
the Sultan. For this reason, we
address our
petition to Your Excellency, in the hope that you will do everything in
your
power so that our problem, together with that of our comrades, will be
discussed in Constantinople. Emploring you for this, we remain
respectfully
yours,
... Macedonia has a
population of c. 1,850,000, of whom 750,000 are Moslems, 50,000 are
Jews and
the rest are Christians. The Moslems who live in the Western and
Northern
provinces are Albanians, and those in the south and the east, the sea
coast,
the towns and the other small settlements are mostly Greeks. The rural
population is made up of Bulgarians and, in the mountain regions and
mostly in
the west, Wallachians; the rest are gypsies and other nationalities.
Therefore,
there are five major nationalities in Macedonia: Turks, Albanians,
Bulgarians,
Greeks and Wallachians. Though in certain regions some of these
nationalities
are predominant, there is no place populated by one nationality alone.
As a
rule, representatives of two, three or more nationalities live side by
side: in
the north and the west - Albanians and Bulgarians, in the centre -
Turks,
Bulgarians and a comparatively small number of Wallachians and Greeks,
in the
south-west - Turks, Greeks and Wallachians, along the coast - Turks and
Greeks,
and in the east - Turks, Greeks and Bulgarians. In Soloun, Bitolya and
the
other towns there are also a few Jews and some other nationalities. The
people
of each nationality speak their own language, while Turkish is
understood by
all (Vol. VI, p. 4116).
... Ohrid
- centre of a district, subordinated to the sandjak and the Bitolya
vilayet; situated on the north-eastern shore of the lake of the same
name. The
town is situated at the foot of a hill, jutting out into the lake. On
top of
the hill there is a fortress. The town
has a
population of 16,000, 6 mosques, 4 churches, 1 junior high school,
several
primary Moslem schools, one Christian school and a clock tower. The
town's
population speaks Albanian, Turkish and Bulgarian ... (Vol. II p. 1066).
... Bitolya. The central town of a
vilayet, with a population of 31,347. There are 24 mosques, 5 churches,
9
Turkish theological schools, schools for small children and a military
school,
Turkish junior high schools for girls and for boys, 6 primary schools
and a
class school for the Bulgarians, the Greeks and the Wallachians, junior
high
schools for Catholic and Protestant missionaries, 2 large
barracks, a military
hospital, 2,482 shops and markets, 14 inns, 7 baths, 1 clock tower. The casa of Bitolya has a
population of
161,863.
... Skopje.
More than half of the population are Moslems and the rest are
Bulgarians and
Greeks. The Moslem population is concentrated on the Skopje and Koumanovo side and is made up of Turks and
Albanians. Almost the entire population knows Turkish. Bulgarian is
spoken in 7
districts and 5 villages -sub-districts. The districts are: Skopje,
Koumanovo,
Kratovo, Palanka, Kochani, Shtip and Radovishte ... (Vol. II, p.
933-934)
... Ressen.
It is in the vilayet, sandjak and district of Bitolya, 30 km
northwest of
Bitolya, on the eastern shore of the northern part of
... Veles.
It is situated in the vilayet and sandjak of Soloun ... the centre of
the
district. Has a population of 16,279, 9 mosques, 7 Moslem monasteries,
3
churches, one monastery, 1 junior high school, 3 primary schools. 3
primary
Turkish schools, 3 primary Bulgarian schools, 2 primary Greek schools,
32 inns,
1 bath, 20 mills, 9 factories for cotton, sesame, woollen braiding,
etc...
The Veles
district includes the two village sub-districts Bogomil and Nikodim
with 91
villages and a population of 50,515: 17,153 Moslems, 32,353 Bulgarians,
588
Gypsies, 417 Greeks and 5 Jews ... (Vol. V, p. 3905).
... Prespa.
A village sub-district in the district, sandjak and vilayet of
Bitolya... The
village sub-district includes 30 villages with a population of 8,581, mostly farmers made up of
Bulgarians, the Moslems being Albanians. In the village sub-district
there are
5 mosques and 5 schools ... (Vol. II, p. 1497).
... Prishtina.
A district in north-eastern
... Bulgarians.
Today the Bulgarians inhabit the Balkan Peninsula to the south of the
River
Danube, ancient Moesia, Thrace and Macedonia, i.e. Bulgaria, Eastern
Roumelia,
parts of the Odrin, Soloun, Kossovo and Bitolya vilayets. Part of them
after
2)
The recently bought
materials from
3) Pavel
Genadiev and the heads of the frontier posts should be informed about
the above
distribution.
4) To
appoint as heads of the frontier posts:
For South
Bulgaria - Pavel Genadiev; for the region of Doupnitsa — Nikola
Maleshevski;
and for the region of Kyustendil - Nikola Zografov2;
these heads will be responsible for all the frontier arms
depots and the needs of these depots.
5) The heads of the
frontier arms depots
must refer directly to the leaders of the regions about all matters
concerning
their duty, and only in emergencies and for urgent matters, shall they
refer
directly to the Committee.
May 1st, 1900.
Absent: Bozoukov and Dr. Shopov. Present are also Colonel Tsonchev,
Lieutenant-colonels Nikolov and Yankov, lieutenant Garoufalov and
Atanas
Mourdjev. The following resolutions were adopted:
1) After
long and thorough discussions concerning the activities of the Supreme
Macedonian Committee, on the one hand, and the Central Committee in
Turkey, on
the other, for the better coordination of the actions of the two
committees the
following resolutions were adopted:
a) To
suggest to the Central Committee that it accept as members two
representatives
of the Supreme Macedonian Committee in whom the latter has full
confidence.
b) After
the said two members have been accepted by the Central Committee,
the Supreme
Macedonian Committee in its present composition will become a branch of
the
Central Committee, and the latter will have the decisive word in all
the
matters concerning the common cause.
c) To
suggest to the Central Committee that it accept men, preferably with
military
qualifications, sent from here to serve as leaders of regions.
d) All the
persons sent by the Supreme Macedonian Committee to the interior,
either as
members of the Central Committee, or leaders of the regions, or
ordinary
workers must take an oath, according to the Rules of the Internal
Organization,
and they will be guided in their activities by the same Rules, thus
becoming
completely and entirely faithful to the Internal Organization and
cutting off
all contacts with Bulgaria, on matters that concern the Cause, except
in cases
when there is a special directive from the Central Committee.
e) To
suggest to the Central Committee that all private correspondence in
connection
with the Cause, both from members of the Central Committee or leaders
of the
regions to any one in Bulgaria, and from members of the Supreme
Macedonian
Committee to anyone in Macedonia and the region of Odrin, be stopped.
f) Whatever
the circumstances, the members here of the present Supreme Macedonian
Committee
and all the comrades attached to it will remain forever inseparably
linked with
the Internal Organization.
g) These
minutes invalidate all the letters hitherto exchanged between the
Committees in
relation to the settlement of their relations.
May 19th, 1900.
Absent: Bozoukov, Dr. Shopov and Sarakinov. The following resolutions
were
adopted:
1. Since
for the success of the cause, it is of primary necessity that the
Organization
have at its disposal a large sum of money and since the best and most
appropriate way to obtain it is to commit a robbery or something of
that sort,
after thorough discussion and after all the chances of success had been
taken
into account, and after the question had been considered from every
point of
view, finally the plan suggested by Delchev was accepted, - namely to
kidnap
the child of Geshev (a millionaire in Sofia) and, if the kidnapping was
successful, to demand (as ransom for the child) a million and a half
gold levs
from Geshev.
For the
carrying out of this enterprise the following are responsible:
Sarafov -
to rent a house where the child will be kept, Davidov - to buy a
phaeton and
find a reliable driver, Delchev - for the kidnapping of the child, and
Gyorcheto - to find a way of getting the money from Geshev.
September 20th,
1900. Absent: Sarakinov, Minkov and Gyorche Petrov. The following
resolutions
were adopted:
1) We are
informed that the agent in Syar2 has reported to the
Bulgarian
government that things in Melnik are not going well and that the leader
of that
post is not acting cautiously; a certain Greek was indicated who seems
to know
the secrets of the Organization in this area. The agent in Bitolya also
informs
the Bulgarian government about the lack of precaution in the conduct of
affairs
on the part of the local leaders. The above-mentioned facts are to be
reported
to the Central Committee for their information and so that the
necessary
measures can be taken.
September
25th, 1900. Absent: Sarakinov, Minkov and Gyorche Petrov. 1 The
following
resolutions were adopted:
1) To send
100 gold levs to Simeon Radev3 in
2) To send
money to Simeon Radev for L'Effort.
3) To send
150 levs to Maleshevski.
4) To send
6000 levs to the Central Committee for the purchase of materials.
5) On the
basis of the oral declarations by the leaders in
Odrin, it was decided not to send a small
detachment of revolutionaries to the region of Odrin, because; they
fear that
its untimely arrival may have dangerous consequences for the Cause in
that
region. And this should be brought to the notice of the Central
Committee.
6) To send
a letter to the Central Committee, informing them that Dimiter
Stoyanov, a good
worker for the Cause and one in whom they can have full confidence, has
been
appointed headmaster of the high-school in Bitolya.
October 3rd,
1900. Absent: Minkov, Sarakinov and Gyorche Petrov. The following
resolutions
were adopted:
1) To
inform the Central Committee about the tunnelling activity in Soloun4. To inform them also about the conversation
between
Angelov,5 Delchev
and
2)
Maleshevski to write to Mehomia7
to arrange for people in Eleshnitsa to receive the guns from Batak.
Also to ask
Razlog to send him a receipt in the name of the brothers Ivanov, for
the 100
'Schneider' rifles which they gave as a present.
Two events,
each more fatal than the other for the cause of liberation, are
simultaneously
inflicting heavy wounds on our Organization - one of them from within
and the
other from the outside - and making the situation more delicate than it
has
ever been before. We consider that, under the present circumstances, we
are
doing a service and filling a gap in our work by sending this circular
letter,
in which some light is thrown on these events and the measures we
consider it
necessary to take.
First -
Through affairs, both big and small, the Turkish government is keeping
us
constantly on the alert and the population in a state of uncertainty.
Obviously
unsatisfied with the barbarities hitherto committed against our
brothers - both
members of the committees and peaceful citizens, indiscriminately,
the Sultan
has decided to pacify the country at all costs by crushing the
revolutionary
movement with a single blow. The ruthless Hamid considers that now is
the most
convenient time to deliver this long-prepared blow. The winter ensures
him
against internal armed resistance on the part of the population against
the
cruelties of the Sultan's butchers, while the favourable disposition of
his
fellow-tyrants - the European Masters - protects him from external
complications. The declarations of the heartless diplomats in
Constantinople in
favour of crushing the revolutionary movement, have served him as a
signal, and
some trivial accidents in different parts of our long-suffering country
have
given him a pretext. In the final analysis, there is today in progress
in our
country a terrible pogrom, which is especially violent in these places
(the
Salonica district) where the Turks have noticed greater activity of
late. At a
general order from Constantinople, and following a plan prepared in
advance,
the Turkish authorities throughout the country are taking
simultaneously
measures in pursuit of the following three aims:
1) To
arrest all the more active, wide-awake and courageous Bulgarians, about
whom
there is information, or suspicions, or about whom it can be
simply assumed
that they are able to inspire and lead the people; and by means of
their
confessions, or intercepted documents or other committee papers, which
have
come into their hands as a result of searches, to grasp all the threads
of the
revolutionary organization, and to behead it so as to crush it
immediately.
2) To ruin
materially and morally kill the rural population as the more
defenseless, and
to frighten and terrorize the town population, thus leaving no soil for
the growth
of the revolutionary movement in the country, in the event of those
leaders,
who manage to escape from their hands, or others coming from outside,
trying to
revive it and to continue working.
3) The
towns and the villages, and even the forests and the fields, will be
caught in
an iron ring so that any public activity on the part of the Bulgarians
will
become impossible.
Dear Sir,
I am
writing on behalf of my comrades, and, first of all, I would like to
ask you,
on their behalf, to excuse us for addressing you. We are addressing you
because
those whom we approached before, and who could help us and whose duty
it was to
help us, did not do so.
We are all
Bulgarians from the so-called Stara-Hapsanya, all imprisoned almost at
the same
time and charged with political offences. When we were first imprisoned
in the
Kurshumli-Han, the Turkish prisoners greeted us with curses and insults
and, on
the very first day, began to maltreat us. The prison management not
only did
not punish them but gave them to understand that they approved of
their
actions. The chief warder, the warder and the gaoler, who could
understand
better the nature of the offences with which we were charged, had even
better
grounds to hate us and did not miss any chance of giving vent to their
hatred.
This attitude went so far that a plot was conceived against the lives
of
several of us, and the authorities could not have failed to know about
it. On
May 11 of this year, the prisoners attacked us without any provocation
on our
part; we were attacked with earthen-ware jugs full of water, braziers,
logs and
knives provided by those who were supposed to ensure order and peace in
the
prison. If we had not managed to retreat hastily to our cells, at least
half of
us would have been killed on the spot. The attackers broke the doors of
two of
the cells and 25 of us were beaten to death. All this happened before
the eyes
of the chief warder, the warder and the gaoler, who did nothing to
protect us.
The prison
authorities realized that it had not acted wisely, and that there were
other,
more reliable ways of attaining their objectives without implicating
themselves; we were transferred from Kurshumli-Han under the pretext of
punishing us, as we were blamed for the disturbance; we were locked up
in a
former stable, which is so dark that, even during the day, we have to
keep the
lamp on; the room is so humid that the straw-mats we lie on have to be
changed
every week because they rot away under our bodies and get mouldy from
the
excessive dampness; the air is so suffocating that we ourselves cannot
account
for our having survived till now. Just to be able to visualize more
vividly
the place that we inhabit, dear Sir, suffice it to mention that several
horses
died here from suffocation and that a special veterinary commission
declared
the place unfit for horses; only in the course of one month 19 wretched
Bulgarians from the village of Lipovik, Radovishka county, died here.
We were
thrown in this dungeon not because the government could not find
another place,
but because, as I already mentioned, they wanted to punish us, and not
only to
punish us, but also to take revenge; their purpose: the moisture, the
darkness
and the poisonous air are supposed to achieve what the Turkish
prisoners in
Kurshumli-Han did not manage to do. I have exaggerated nothing -
according to
the government, we deserve to be put to death and, as this cannot
be done
lawfully, because the death sentence cannot be given for crimes which
have not
been proved and, moreover, capital punishment has been suspended, the
government tried to use the Turkish prisoners and, after the failure of
this
attempt, they put us into a dungeon where the conditions
are such that we are sure to die,
and, to ensure that this plan will succeed, we are allowed out of our
dungeon
for only 2 out of every 24 hours.
Under these
conditions, our death is quite certain, but it will still take some
time, and
the furious hatred of our malefactors makes them impatient, besides we
are
complaining all the time of the conditions and are insisting on being
transferred to another prison. We have been so insistent in pestering
the
prison management, that they have had to order a wooden floor to be
built in
our dungeon. We also never forget that the authorities can again use
the
Turkish prisoners against us. Even though it was established by the
court that
on May 11 we were battered by 25 of the Turks in the prison, and that a
few of
us were about to be murdered; though the court had heard at least 15
reports by
two surgeons on the extent and the gravity of our wounds, it sentenced
the 25
only to one week's imprisonment, and, when we protested against the
sentence,
the judge flew into a rage and answered literally: 'You were the ones
to
provoke them, and even if one of you had been murdered, I could not
give them a
bigger sentence, not only because they are criminals, but also because
it is a
basic principle of the penal law that one prison term is not given on
top of
another!' Or, to put it
differently, the judge encouraged the criminals to go ahead and kill
us, by
telling them in advance that they would not be given a more severe
punishment;
they, for their part, started to swear and threaten us, as soon as we
left the
courtroom. A few days later, several of the murderers and a few of
those who
had taken the most active part in the beating up on May 11 and who
hated us
most ferociously, were transferred from Kurshumli-Han to our prison.
They all
have knives; all the time they are swearing at us, and are insulting
most
infamously everything that we hold precious and sacred; now they are
openly
threatening to kill us all very soon. We told the prison authorities
that
either they or we should be transferred to another prison, but no
action has
been taken on our request; we complained to the local attorney and even
to
Vali-Pasha himself, but nothing has happened. After that, though we
were sure
that one day we would be killed, we stopped complaining, because we saw
that
our complaints fell on deaf ears and only humiliated us.
We had
decided not to make any more representations on our own behalf, but we
could
not restrain ourselves. The day before yesterday, on the 22nd of this
month, when
we were going out of our cell, in the presence of the chief warder, we
were met
by the same Turkish prisoners, with swear words and a savage insults
against
our people; our protests were greeted by the chief warder, with similar
foul
language and insults. Then we all went back to our cell and decided not
to go
out and not to accept the bread they give us, so as to make the
government
shift us to another prison, or to die. We
have decided to hold out to the end; our feelings are so lofty
and sacred that we would rather die than put up with their insults.
Accept our
assurances of deepest respect for you,
(for the
whole group)
V. Pashov
It is in the air
that there will be an uprising in spring and although one should not
pay
serious attention to the rumours which always start anew towards the
end of the
winter, one must admit, however, that the situation here becomes tenser
every
year and that a revolt is becoming increasingly probable. It is
difficult to
foresee exactly in which part of Macedonia a Bulgarian uprising can be
most
expected. It can be only noted that, at present, the committees are
concentrating
their efforts along a line, beginning from the Bulgarian frontier and
winding
through the whole central part of Macedonia, crossing almost all the
mountainous and wooded areas of Shtip, Veles, Prilep, Bitolya and
Kostour.
There can
be no doubt that the committees are now better prepared for an uprising
than
they were this time last year. Do they want one? There are signs that
justify
the probability of such assumptions. These signs consist of
increased mass
propaganda on the part of the committees and a certain uneasiness
on the part
of the Turkish authorities. For the last month, the latter have been
using the
support of bashibazouks in their actions against the Bulgarians.
On January
26th, the vali of Bitolya, on being informed that many committee
leaders had
gathered in the village of Ekshisou, sent captain Riffat Bey with 100
horsemen
to arrest the conspirators. But instead of going directly to Ekshisou,
Riffat
Bey went to the neighbouring villages to collect about 200
bashibazouks. The
conspirators, warned of his arrival, managed to make their escape, but
the
population of the village paid dearly for it; they were beaten and
cruelly
tortured.
Having been
summoned to help by the authorities themselves, the bashibazouks,
considered
themselves authorized, in their absence, as well, to continue the
persecution
of the Bulgarian agitators, all the more so because the Turkish police
did not
decline their services. After many houses in the villages of Egri,
Boukri,
Bareshani, Zhabani and Lagets had been searched, 31 Bulgarians were
arrested.
Before the
arrival of the zaptiehs and the Turkish officials, the population of
the
villages Zhabani and Bareshani were maltreated - first their hands and
legs
were bound and then they were flogged by the bashibazouks. A petition
was sent
from the village of Bareshani to the vali of Bitolya, but no action was
taken.
Several bazhibazouks from the Turkish village of Ostritsa are still in
Bareshani and continue to search the houses there in front of the
zaptiehs.
The Turks from
Resen (at 5 hours' distance to the north of Bitolya) are organizing an
anti-Bulgarian committee. Not very far from Resen along the shores of
The village
of Crania is occupied by a detachment of bashibazouks, who like those
in
Bareshani, are acting independently - in the absence of the authorities
and
without orders from them. They beat their victims so cruelly that it
took the
wretched people two whole days to go from Crania to Nakolesti, a
distance
normally covered in a few hours.
Rumours of
these cruelties spread through the villages and filled the
population with
horror. On the other hand, the committees, surprised by these
outrages, seemed
to have temporarily suspended their activities. Their actions so far
were
facilitated by the inertia of the Turkish police, who, to a greater or
lesser
extent, are bribed. But matters have been different since the arrival
of the
new vali - Eddip Pasha, who closely watches the chiefs of the police,
and makes
them pursue the members of the committees ruthlessly.
The
activities of the committees are even more paralyzed by the war
declared on
them by the Greeks and the Graecomane Bulgarian notables, who, after
finding
that the authorities favour them, have started to inform against the
Bulgarians
everywhere. In Bitolya, the Greek authorities themselves are no longer
shy
about encouraging these denunciations, and are taking the side of the
Turks
against this same Christian population, whom they claim will one day be
united
with Greece.
But this
weakening of the activities of the committees does not reassure the
Turks in
the least. They seem very uneasy. The great Turkish landlords, who at
this time
of the year usually visit their estates, do not dare leave Bitolya now.
Even in
the town itself there seems to exist a kind of terror. After 6 o'clock
in the
evening the market is closed and no one dares to go into the street
without a
lantern. And, even with lanterns, the citizens do not want to risk
appearing in
the streets at night.
The vali,
whom I asked yesterday about the general situation in the
district, told me
that he was no longer worried because his subordinates were on the
alert, but
that this alertness was necessary because he had been informed that the
committees intended to 'strike a heavy blow.' The Bulgarian
committees in the
district of Kroushevo (a small town, at eight hours' walk east of
Bitola) seem
to have taken a decision, two months ago, to kidnap and kill some of
the consuls
in Bitolya in order to force Europe to speak up about the
Macedonian problem.
From
information, obtained from other sources, it appeared that Sarafov was
urging
the so-called 'internal' Macedonian committees, who continue to
acknowledge his
supremacy, to begin actions in spring. The heads of the committees
are
themselves aware that the day is drawing near when they must take
action, if
they do not want to see their whole organization crushed. And, on the
other
hand, it is well-known that if the Macedonian Bulgarians take action
without
support from outside, they will soon be defeated. It is not clear
whether the
rebel detachments will be supported by the local population - however
weak this
support may be. Yet the heads of the committees are resolved to act.
And if
they do not succeed, as they believe, in drawing the whole country into
the
conflict, they will be able, perhaps, to increase the unrest and thus
to
provoke massacres.
This state
of affairs worries many colleagues of mine. Deputations from the
Bulgarian
villages are constantly flooding into the Russian consulate, around
which the
Turkish police is constantly keeping a strict watch.
The Greeks
insist that severe measures be taken against the Bulgarians.
Serbian
propaganda, on the contrary, is not unfriendly towards the Bulgarians.
To
deputations from the Serbian villages in the vilayet1,
arriving
to ask for his advice, the Serbian consul recommends them not to join
the
Bulgarian armed detachments, but always to maintain strict neutrality
towards
them, and even to help them when they are obliged to flee from Turkish
pursuit.
This
behaviour of the Serbian consul seems very prudent, in my opinion.
Serbian
propaganda which is very weak and insufficiently organized in these
parts,
would have compromised itself unnecessarily, if it were to follow the
example
of the Bulgarians. And it is clear, on the other hand, that if they
turned
against the Bulgarian revolutionary movement here, the Serbs would lose
the
sympathies of the local people, who are not so much patriots as eager
to escape
from their present miserable situation, and, for this reason, they will
gladly
welcome any liberator, no matter who he is.
Executing
the most high command of His Imperial Majesty the Sultan, the Special
Commission of the Sublime Porte was called to discuss and adopt the
necessary
measures on the basis of the report, submitted by the Police Commissary
of the
vilayet of Kosovo - Dervish effendi.
The Commission
regards as very appropriate the measures, recommended in the said
report for
the complete irradication of the Bulgarian committees, which
indisputably exist
in the vilayets of Odrin, Soloun, Bitolya and Skopje. In the first
place, the
population must be induced to surrender its arms voluntarily and must
be
promised that no sanctions will be taken against it in such case;
secondly,
rewards should be promised to all who indicate where arms are
concealed;
thirdly, the military or gendarme detachment authorized to discover
hidden arms
should not be maintained at the expense of the villages and must not
indulge in
any illegal or improper proceedings; fourthly, the officials
authorized to
search for weapons must not obstruct the functions of other officials
and must
nowhere use improper or offensive expressions.
It must be
explained to the naive and ignorant peasants in comprehensible language
what is
bad and what is good and they must be persuaded to surrender their
weapons
voluntarily, by explaining to them that in such cases there will be no
punishment.
Even those who
have used their weapons should be considered as having repented and
should not
be punished in the event of their surrendering them. Persons in whose
houses
concealed arms are discovered should be handed over to the courts to
receive
the punishment they deserve. If anyone tries to take food from the
peasants
without paying for it, he should be punished without delay as an
example to the
others. The respective officials and leaders should advise the peasants
in a
polite and delicate manner to surrender their arms, and should not use
abusing
language and threats. All necessary measures should be taken to prevent
malefactors from disturbing or causing any evil to the Christians.
As for those who
distribute weapons because the latter come from Bulgaria, it must be
impressed
upon the forest guards and the village watchmen, who are subordinated
to the
police, that they should inform the nearest military authorities about
whatever
they hear; moreover, the forest guards and village watchmen should be
predominantly Moslems.
Since all
mayors and village elders are also subordinated to the police, it must
be
impressed upon them, too, that they must do their duties
conscientiously,
because otherwise they will be held responsible.
Since many will
be tempted by the money rewards and will give information based only on
suspicion, attention should be paid only to reliable and well-checked
reports.
Since all the
above suggestions are
found to be appropriate, the Commission approves and adopts them, adding only that in all
purely Bulgarian villages, gendarmes should be stationed permanently
and, in
addition, military detachments should constantly inspect such villages.
On the
front page of our newspaper stands the motto of the famous British
statesman
Gladstone: 'Macedonia for the Macedonians'. For many years now the term
'Autonomy for Macedonia' has been constantly repeated. In this we
decern the
symptoms of that new international status of Macedonia so desired by
many. This
new status of Macedonia, for which our newspaper fights, and for the
achievement of which the Macedonian slave is so feverishly preparing
himself,
conceals a political doctrine, hitherto seen only in distant
perspective, and
vaguely formulated in the principle of autonomy.
This
doctrine is the political separationism to which the following lines
are
devoted.
The
very term which forms the title of our article means a tendency to
separate a
part from the whole. This part is no other than Macedonia and the whole
may be
the idea of Greater Bulgaria, or Greater Serbia, or Greater Greece.
This
definition would not be complete if we - the protagonists of liberty
and
culture - did not add that we can admit neither our own
denationalization, nor
the denationalization of other peoples by us. For us language,
expressed in
nationality, is one of the most powerful means of achieving progress
and
culture. Proceeding from this premise and convinced that the majority
of the
Christian population of Macedonia is Bulgarian, we reject even the
slightest
hint about national separationism of any kind. Such an aim would be
contrary
both to the understanding of the majority of the Macedonian population
and to
the idea of liberty and culture. And what is more: such an aim would be
quite
immoral.
Hence,
the majority of the Macedonian population has been and will be
Bulgarian, but,
as such, it wishes to receive its liberty by being organized
politically as an
autonomous region, separate from the Bulgarian Principality. Such is
the
doctrine of the political separations.
This
doctrine is the natural consequence of iron logic both in the past and
the
present: it represents a humanitarian principle, which does not hinder
the
rights of the others and sanctifies the right of the minorities to live
and
develop with their own language and nationality; it is in conformity
with the
present international law regarding Turkey and the European
balance of power;
finally this doctrine contains within itself the germ of the lofty
ideal of the
'Balkan nations - the ideal of Balkan confederation.
Bound in
the most terrible chains of slavery, forged by the Congress of Berlin,
Macedonia, in its struggle to break these chains, is in great danger of
falling
victim to greater or smaller countries. And in this danger Macedonia
cannot
find help or support from any of its patrons. The small states of the
Balkan
Peninsula, unaware of their own impotence to solve this problem of
European
significance, are exerting themselves to create circumstances which
would
enable them in the future to expand their territories by means of
partitioning
Macedonia. Thus, for 15 years already, Serbia has been spending its
state
resources on creating proselytes where it has no compatriots. The
Greeks,
relying on the privileges enjoyed by their Patriarchate and supported,
because
they are the minority, by the Turkish authorities, continue their
efforts to
retain those Bulgarians who have remained in their ranks, in order to
pass them
off as Greeks. The affair over the ordaining of the Archimandrite
Phirmilian,
begun but still not concluded, the protests of the population in the
diocese of
Skopje, the complete lack of enthusiasm on the part of the local
population for
this ordaining, the unceasing support of two diplomatic services -
the Russian
and the Serbian - and finally the activities of the Patriarchate of
Constantinople over this problem - all this presents valuable evidence
of the
intentions of the Serbs and the Greeks towards Macedonia. Even the
Bulgarian
Principality, where the idea of the autonomy is deeply rooted, has more
than
once speculated with unhappy Macedonia in favour of some ephemeral
interests
which pushed the idea of the liberation of Macedonia into the
background.
Perceiving the harm which the small Balkan states are doing to
Macedonian
freedom, and conscious of the utter impossibility of realizing the idea
of
Greater Bulgaria, the Macedonian population long ago ceased to believe
in the
ideal of San Stefano, which is today an empty phrase even for its own
creators
- the Russians. Above these small states, there are others, bigger and
more
powerful, anticipating the pleasure of devouring the whole Balkan
Peninsula,
including Macedonia.
This is the iron
logic of the past and the present, which led the common sense of the
Macedonian
population build upon San Stefano Bulgaria the idea of political
separationism
from that same Bulgaria.
As for the
future advantages of this doctrine, they are more than one and of no small significance, either.
In the
first place, we shall mention the guarantee which the minorities would
have for
the preservation of their language and nationality. The greatest
guarantee for
this will be the majority on which the liberty of Macedonia will be
built. The
Bulgarian people can be proud of their tolerance because, while
Romanians, Serbs and Greeks are using
various means to
stifle other nationalities, in the capital of Bulgaria Wallachian
schools have
been built without let or hindrance for the numerous Wallachians who
are still
Turkish subjects, and a Greek church - for the small Greek minority.
And
throughout the Bulgarian Principality, the Turkish mosques and schools
receive
support from the state, and the Greek bishops, priests and teachers
freely
preach the idea of Hellenism. To this first guarantee, originating in
the
character of the Bulgarian people, can be added another, which will
further
strengthen the first, namely, the character of an autonomous
administration
which will rely on the majority, but which will be created for all the
nationalities, with special guarantees for the minorities.
Thus, united
in one political unit, the different nationalities in Macedonia can
perceive
even now the important role of an autonomous Macedonia in the future of
the
Balkan Peninsula. The present aspirations of the small Balkan states
for
territorial expansion at the expense of
From the
point of view of contemporary international law, the idea of political
separationism is the only expedient idea. Its realization would
preserve the
European balance of power and the fiction of the integrity of the
Ottoman
Empire. Finally, the realization of this idea would mean the
implementation at
long last of an international act by which Europe signed one of its
obligations
towards the Christians in Turkey.
The
Bulgarians from the Principality — if there are still any who dream of
Bulgaria
of San Stefano - have no reason to be dissatisfied with the political
separationism of the Macedonian population. In spite of all the harm
which the
dream of a Bulgaria of San Stefano may bring both now and in the future
in
spite of all the advantages which the political separationism promises,
there
is one essential and significant consequence from this doctrine,
namely, the
preservation of the Bulgarian people whole, undivided and united
through its
spiritual culture, even though politically separated. Without this
political
separationism, the spiritual integrity of the Bulgarian nationality
seems
impossible. It is in the interests of the Bulgarian Principality not
only to
support this idea, but to continue to work for its realization.
As for the
other small Balkan states: Romania, Serbia and Greece, we consider
that, if
their policy is based not on egotistic motives, but on the broader idea
of a
Balkan confederation, and if they sincerely believe that the majority
of the
population in Macedonia is of their kin, nothing would be more
imperative for
them than to support autonomy and political separationism.
This is the
political separationism, for the realization of which the
population of
Macedonia is preparing to lead a desperate struggle, and to which we
openly
adhere. These are the advantages which it will inevitably bring to the
Balkan
peoples and to the Bulgarian nation. And these advantages are, as we
believe,
of such a character, that, owing to their vital significance, political
separationism will overcome all impediments and will become a real
factor both
in the Balkans and in Europe.
Your
Excellency,
Under No
138 I have the honour to send you a receipt from the Bulgarians
imprisoned in
the Bodrum fortress for the sum of 513.50 (five-hundred and thirteen
leva and
fifty stotinki) which was forwarded to them.
The
remainder of the sum enclosed in your letter of April 5 of this year is
being
kept in the safe of our diplomatic mission here, pending the receipt of
the
other sum of 500 leva, which is to come from Bourgas, and of which
mention is
also made in your letter of April 5, so that our mission will be able
to send
both sums - the one for the Bulgarians imprisoned in the Beaz fortress
and the
one for those in Akia - simultaneously and with the same expenses.
I have the
honour to request Your Excellency to issue instructions for
dispatching the
above-mentioned sum of 500 gold leva to our diplomatic mission as soon
as
possible.
I remain.
Your Excellency, your obedient and humble servant.
Enclosed:
RECEIPT
The undersigned
acknowledge the receipt of the sum of five hundred and thirteen gold
leva
(513.50 lv) through the Bulgarian Diplomatic Mission in Constantinople,
as aid
from the Macedonian and Odrin students
at the University of Sofia, to be distributed among our comrades -
Bulgarian
political prisoners in the Bodrum fortress.
The
Macedonian Congress opened last Sunday.1
The Government exercised its authority in order to keep the
proceedings on a peaceful
basis and to prevent their degenerating into revolutionary
demonstrations. All
government officials were warned not to take part in the Congress as
delegates,
under the pain of instant dismissal.
The very
first sessions of the Congress revealed the deep antagonism which
existed
between the partisansof the present Committee and those of Boris
Sarafov. The
Committee managed to elect a Bureau faithful to it, but with a small
majority.
It refused to admit to the Congress 33 delegates elected by local
organizations
not acknowledged by it. Those delegates were immediately gathered
together by
Boris Sarafov, and they took a decision to protest and to be present at
the
sessions of the Congress in spite of the fact that they were not
admitted.
This
morning's newspapers report these misunderstandings, and advise the
delegates
to resolve their differences. It is certain that if this discord
continues,
the committees will soon be weakened and their cause in Macedonia -
compromised.
The
Committee recently published a brochure2, copies of which
were sent
to all diplomatic agencies, and which contains an account of the
situation in
Macedonia and the programme of reforms suggested by the Committee. This
programme can be summarized thus: 'Macedonia for the Macedonians'. It
is clear
from this that what the Committee wants is: 'Macedonia for the
Bulgarians'.
But, knowing that the Bulgarians are the majority in this region, the
Committee
does not recommend an urgent division, as the Greeks and the Serbs do.
It is
not afraid of a period of autonomy for Macedonia, which will enable the
Bulgarian nationality there to strengthen its position, and which will
be
merely a step on the way to union with Bulgaria.
The third
element necessary for the materialization of our desires is the
existence of a
compact and culturally competent mass of people, who could serve as the
basis
of administration. This seems to be the most important element of
that very
complex problem called the 'Macedonian question.'
The theory
of public law offers instructive lessons in connection with the
question
examined. There is no state without a nation. A government is
established for
it and on its behalf. Modern states, based on one nation, are far from
being
purely homogeneous ethnic units. There are even states where, thanks to
historical circumstances, the government relies on, and is
concentrated in, a
minority. There are other states, made up of several ethnic groups
united by
their cultural and economic needs into one political whole. Therefore,
it is
evident that an ethnic or a political entity supporting the government
is a
necessary condition for the existence of any state.
Macedonia,
which aspires to have a
government of its own, does it have an
ethnic or political entity — a cultural whole capable of maintaining a
government?
It is true
that our country, as regards population, is not in itself a perfect
ethnic
whole free of all foreign elements. Bulgarians, Turks, Greeks,
Wallachians have
lived there from time immemorial. In recent times, the political
interests of
neighbouring and distant Slav states have aimed at creating one
particular
nationality - the Serbian, by reducing the numbers of and weakening
another
Slav nation - the Bulgarian.
Macedonia,
as the last remnant of Turkish power in Europe, and bordering on all
Balkan
states, is serving as the arena for terrible struggles which conceal
the
political expansion of this or that state. The struggles are being
waged with
violence and passion. These sentiments, when transferred to the local
population, transform it into mutual irreconcilable enemies. And mind
you,
these enemies are the sons of one and the same land, victims of one and
the
same tyranny. It is useless to say that these struggles hamper
Macedonian
freedom, because, in fact, our country today is like the child who was
brought
for Solomon's judgement; the pretended; the pretended mother wanted the
child
divided, while the true mother insisted only on preserving him alive.
Many of
these elements are not used to consider Macedonia as their homeland,
capable of
a political life of its own: They have their eyes turned to the free
states of
their nationality, with which they wish to make one political whole.
For a
number of reasons, this quite natural desire cannot be satisfied.
Today,
however, incited from outside, feeling their weakness as regards their
numbers,
these elements refuse outright to acknowledge the impossibility of
their dreams
and the salutary nature of the principle of an autonomous government.
We say
'outright', because, for some time now, since a revolutionary
organization was
set up in Macedonia, supported mainly by Bulgarian elements, the
consciousness
for unity of fate in the other nationalities is beginning to awaken,
though it
is still rather weak. Thanks to this consciousness, some non-Bulgarian
and
non-Slav elements already form part of the revolutionary organization.
This is
a reassuring fact for the present and a good omen for the future.
The answer
to the question we formulated in the beginning can be derived from what
had been
said so far about the conduct of the different ethnic groups in
Macedonia.
Macedonia has one element, which, in its numbers and culture, is in a
position
to maintain one government. This is undoubtedly the Bulgarian element.
Of 2.25
million citizens, more than 1.25 million are Bulgarians. Second
come the
Turks, a great many of whom will leave the country in the event of
there being
a Christian autonomous government, as they have done in all the regions
where
the Crescent has given way to the Cross. This certain future act will
increase
still further the proportion of the Bulgarian element. If the numerical
superiority of the Bulgarian element is ensured, then as regards
culture, it is
second to none of its rivals. Thanks to the half a century of
educational work
and to the political struggles, Macedonia has an intelligentsia which
is the
greatest bogy for Turkish tyranny, which has taken trade in its hands
and given
a respectable large number of talents who have risen to honourable heights in the
public and political life of the Principality.
Such an
element as the Bulgarian, fully aware of its might, cannot neglect its
duty.
Filled with the desire to serve as the basis of peaceful and successful
development, the Bulgarian element of Macedonia is also strongly
willing to
guarantee the equality of the remaining elements, which are a minority.
This is
imperative, not only as a duty, but also because of the recognized need
to iron
out the existing animosity, the presence of which will hamper the
normal government
of the country.
If this
element exists, it is the obligation of all who hold Macedonia's
freedom dear
to contribute to its preservation and consolidation. Every action which
aims at
foiling this cause is contrary to this freedom and therefore
harmful to it.
Unfortunately, however, such is the case with the artificially
maintained
Greek and Serbian propaganda. Their harmful influence on the prospects
for
Macedonian freedom has a twofold effect. Each is trying to ruin one
whole
entity, without which a Christian government of our country is
inconceivable,
and, secondly, they have drawn off part of our forces for the in
ternecine
struggle. One cannot but regret that there are states, such as Russia,
which
systematically maintain this disunity of forces so disastrous for the
freedom
of Christians in the Balkan Peninsula and for the future of Slavdom.
The new
fact, however, which we mentioned above, i.e. the participation of some
non-Bulgarian and non-Slav elements in the revolutionary organization,
is of a
kind which can reduce the undesirable consequences of the struggles now
underway, and strengthen the hopes of mutual respect and joint work for
the
common cause.
These are
the three main and necessary elements for the autonomy of Macedonia,
which we have
outlined in three consecutive numbers. In this country there exist
all the
conditions necessary for normal political life. It
is our duty to advance and reinforce these conditions which
exist in us, and to insist on the acceptance of those which will have
to come
from somewhere else. The aim of our articles was to point out both, as
well as
to indicate the conditions for their materialization. This we have
done, as far
as it was possible on the pages of a newspaper.
From the
report of the vali of Bitolya to His Majesty the Sultan, it is clear
that the
majority of the Bulgarian population in Macedonia is infected with
revolutionary ideas. That part of the population which is able to bear
arms is
already armed, others support it with money, still others serve as
couriers and
kalaouzy1. It is wrong to imagine
that every larger armed
detachment of rebels comes from Bulgaria, because the organization in
the
villages is very good, and it is not difficult for a leader arriving
from
Bulgaria to gather the number of armed people which he considers
necessary.
When the army starts to pursue such a gang, its members are usually
informed by
their agents in the towns and the villages, and they disperse to their
homes
and assume the appearance of peaceful and loyal subjects.
For this
reason, it is necessary to build some karakoly2 in
suitable
places.
After a
long silence on the events in the
But it is
very difficult, not to say impossible, to confirm the validity of this
information, because the local authorities still continue the
suspension of all
communications between Syar and Djoumaya-Balya, on the one hand, and
the rebel
areas, on the other. But, from the obvious lack of troop movements, it
can be
concluded that the situation really has improved and that the troops in
action
are sufficient to meet every eventuality.
It is
beyond dispute that the recent incidents in the valley of Strouma
considerably
exceed in significance all others in Macedonia during the past few
years. They
exceed them in the size of the areas involved and in the number and the
importance of the villages taking part in them, and also in the number
of the
Turkish troops that have had to take part in the operations. Obviously,
the activities
of only one Macedonian Committee in Bulgaria would not be sufficient to
give
rise to a movement on such a scale, if this action had not taken place
in a
locality already prepared for it by long and intense revolutionary
activity, by
the dissatisfaction of the population, and by the anarchy in the
country.
Naturally,
the severity of the season will soon compel the rebellious peasants to
leave
the mountains, and the detachments to be dissolved. For several months
at
least, while the winter lasts, the revolutionary movement will be at a
standstill.
But what
will happen in the spring? According to information from reliable
sources,
several detachments of Bulgarian rebels have compelled the population
of
several villages, which did not take part in the recent unrest, to
swear that
they will rise in spring. But I do not think that the unrest then will
be more
serious than it has been recently. The military forces which the
Turkish
authorities can put in action within a very short time are enough to
crush
every attempt at rebellion, and the Macedonian Bulgarians can scarcely
have any
illusions about that.
But this
will not prevent them from risking, in ever larger numbers, both their own lives and those of their
families, and their property, as they throw themselves into hopeless
adventures.
It seems
that there are only two ways of avoiding the consequences of this state
of
affairs.
Reprisals,
degenerating into
massacres would, of course, be
the quickest means of achieving
relative peace in Macedonia. It is not a secret to anyone that the loud
feats
of the rebels have provoked bitter hatred against the Bulgarians among
the
Turkish population, and many Turks are waiting only for a signal to do
the
Sultan a service and rid him of the troubles in the same way 'as it was
done in
Armenia'. This mood of the Turkish population is, perhaps, not the
least evil
created by the present situation.
But,
because it is inconceivable to accept such a solution, it remains to be
seen
whether it would not be possible to change the conditions of life of
the
Macedonian Bulgarians sufficiently so as to make them turn their backs
on
agitations, which have not the slightest chance of success. It would
not be difficult
to try, at least as an experiment, to guarantee the security of the
people and
of their property. In my opinion, two practical reforms would be quite
sufficient
to achieve this result.
The
critical situation of the Bulgarian peasant in Macedonia is well known,
exposed, on the one hand, to all the violence of the rebel detachments
and, on
the other, to all the arbitrary actions of the Turkish gendarmes, badly
recruited, irregularly paid and compelled 'to live at the expense of
the local
population'.
The
organization of a gendarmerie, sufficient in number, well paid,
consisting of
well-selected people and commanded by excellent officers, would, it
seems, be
sufficient to impede the movement of the rebels, and to calm the
peasants, who,
when not afraid of violence, might even support the authorities.
Such a
reform will be less expensive than the mobilization of the redif 2 and the movements of
the troops, measures which the Turkish authorities seem to recourse to
very
often lately.
On the
other hand, the abuse of power originating from the system of buying
the right
to collect tithes is well known. Almost in every case the rights to
collect
tithes are bought by influential beys, who take advantage of being the
representatives of the government and get more money from the
population on various
pretexts. If one looks for proof of the importance of this problem, it
can be
found in the fact that the last two actions of the rebels started with
the
killing of the agents authorized to collect the tithes.
And,
because in the greater part of Macedonia, the tithes are intended to
serve as
securities for the railways (Soloun-Bitolya and Soloun-Dedeagach), the
revenues
from their purchase are transferred to the Public Debt. A system of
regulations
obliging this administration to collect the revenues on an economic
basis will
be enough to put an end to this abuse of power which is often quite
intolerable.
Undoubtedly
there are other reasons which arm the Bulgarians against the Turkish
domination: to those which provoked the uprisings in 1876, and since
the time
of the Berlin Treaty, should be added: the promised reforms, the
implementation
of which is not even mentioned, and, most important, the proximity of a
frontier, beyond which their compatriots are their own masters, while,
on this
side of the frontier, they stand in the last rank of the Christian
population.
The minimum
reforms which I have indicated as feasible will not entirely reconcile
the
Bulgarians to Turkish domination. There can be no doubt that they will
continue
to look for measures, which by means of the electoral system will
ensure them
supremacy in the management of public affairs. I hasten to add,
however, that
it will not be safe at the present moment to create fresh causes for
new
clashes among populations, which are already so deeply split.
But, if by
means of the reform of the gendarmerie and the system of
tithe-collecting,
minimum securities are guaranteed to the Macedonian population, it will
not
remain indifferent to such progress. Other important reforms, such as
wider
admission of Christians into magistrature and the administration, can
be
discussed later, at a more appropriate time. In this way, the leaders
will be
compelled to subordinate the realization of their political
aspirations to the
interests of the present.
Mr. Minister,
On November
2, this year the Evdokya Charitable Organization asked me to
take and
distribute among the Macedonian refugees in the frontier villages of
Doupnitsa
district clothes and supplies which it had purchased out of its own
funds.
Having obtained the permission of my superiors, I set out to perform my
mission. I thus visited Doupnitsa, Kocherinovo, Rila, Pastra, the Rila
Monastery, the farm at the latter, and Orlitsa. After I had done my job
at the
above-mentioned places, I availed myself of the opportunity to learn
from the:
refugees themselves, or from the rebels who were returning from
Macedonia, or
from other people, details about what was happening on the other side
of Rila,
in the places from which the refugees had fled. As a result of my
personal in
quiry I established some facts which, considering that they would not
be
without interest to you, I have the honour to present to you as follows:
I saw
Macedonian families which had recently fled from Turkish territories:
First -
in Doupnitsa about 200 people who were mostly from the villages of
Pokrovnik,
Moshtanets, Logodash, Padezh, Krudjevo, Dryanovo, Zheleznitsa, etc.
(Djoumaya
district), situated on the right bank of the River Strouma. From the
same
places, there were about 200 people scattered among the Bulgarian
frontier
villages of Dragodan, Bouranovo and Tekiya; these I had no time to
visit.
Second - in
the village of Rila, more than 200 people, who had come from the
villages of
Bistritsa, Surbinovo, Gradevo, Mechkoul, Kresna, Maroulevo, etc.
(Djoumaya and
Melnik district); third - in the villages of Pastra, Oriitsa and the
Monastery
farm about 250 people from the same villages; fourth -again from the
same
villages in Bozovaya, Padala, Stob, Poromino and Kocherinovo about
80-100
people. I must add that during my stay at the frontier, I saw new
refugees
arriving daily both in the Rila and Doupnitsa regions. Thus at present
their
total number certainly exceeds 1,000. Of all these, only the refugees
who had
come from the village of Bistritsa near the frontier had managed to
take along
with them some cattle and small farm animals. The rest, that is, the
great majority,
fled in haste and were urgently in need of clothes, underwear and
food,
especially the women and the children, most of whom were naked or in
tatters,
and presented a piteous sight.
The
refugees had abandoned their homes in winter, because of the cruelties
and
atrocities committed lately by the Turkish regular troops and the
Albanians, in
particular. Atrocities and outrages of all kinds, but the most
common and most
unbearable, in the words of all the refugees, were the raping of women
and
girls, regardless of age, committed by the soldiers themselves and
their
officers, and, in many cases, in the presence of the victims' families.
'We can
endure the Turks beating and maltreating us,' said the refugees who had
left
their villages and had never before met, 'but we cannot bear the
raping, and
this is one of the reasons for being forced to flee.'
How the actual flight
took place can be seen from the narrative of several priests whose
story is the
same as that of all the other refugees.
At the end
of last October there arrived a commission from the Strouma Farm,
consisting of
the governor of Djoumaya, the assistant of the cadi, and the whole
council,
toured the district trying to persuade the Bulgarian population to
surrender
their arms. It also summoned peasants from Pokrovnik and Moshtanets
and, after
having read to them a royal amnesty decree, took the seals of the
villages and
forced the peasants to take an oath in church, but did not succeed in
extricating their guns away. After that they gave out an order to
torture the
village headman, Georgi Ivanov. After that some of the peasants
surrendered 58
rifles. The commission left. Next came 50 soldiers who started the
outrages,
the cruelties and the raping. Later the soldiers also left, only to be
replaced
on October 30 by about 200 Albanian soldiers, who scared everybody in
the
region. At that point, the peasants, who realized that there was no way
out,
decided to run away. They gathered from the villages of Zheleznitsa
Pokrovnik,
Padezh, Krudzhievo, Dryanovo, Lisiya and all of them, women and
children -
500-600 people, managed to reach the frontier where, however, they were
stopped
by Turkish guards. Some, out of fear, went back, others, up to 200
people,
among whom 50-60 who were armed, surrounded the women and the children
and went
straight for the guards. The latter, after firing a few shots started
to run
and opened the road forthe refugees, who in this way, managed to arrive
at the
village of Dragodan, not far from Boboshevo on the eve of November 1.
None of
the refugees had managed to bring with them even the most essential
winter
clothes. It is important to mention that many women and the girls of
many
families crossed the border while their husbands and sons stayed behind.
According
to the narratives of the refugees, confirmed by their priests, of whom
I met
ten, the Turks were committing unbelievable and monstrous tortures
and
sacrileges. It was not my intention to collect facts of this kind and,
besides,
to do so I should have remained there much longer, but, of the few
examples
noted by me au hasard, one can get an idea of the spirit, I'etat
d'ame, of these who were suppressing the uprising.
Magda
Velichkova from Padezh was raped by a Turkish captain. Georgi Ivanov
and Georgi
Petrev from Zheleznitsa were beaten with a wooden stick, pierced with
bayonets,
their heels cut and they died in the evening. Yana Shturbinska from
Padezh was
stabbed with a bayonet. Mite Trenev from Gradevo was hanged on November
2,
without charge or trial, just because they found in his house a Turkish
rifle
like those that the Turks themselves often planted in the houses of the
more
prosperous Bulgarians, so that they could later misappropriate their
possessions. Another one from Gradevets was beaten so cruelly that he
died before
the day was over. The priest Stefan Stoimenov from Padezh was forced to
eat
excrements in the presence of his family. About 14 beautiful girls from
Bistritsa and other villages were brought in Djoumaya and sent to the
harems.
In Razlog they cut off the arms of one peasant in order to force him to
tell
where the rifles had been hidden, and he did. One captain was boasting
in a
cafe full of Turks in Djoumaya how he stripped the women naked, sat on
their
navels, and how he would ride them. He was also telling them how they
would
make the women pass in front of the soldiers naked and how they slapped
them.
Many women were being raped by about 20-30-40 soldiers. There were
slain
children, and desecrated churches; some even dug down 2 m deep in their
search
for arms. After the peasants had left, their villages were burnt down
by the
soldiers. People were hung head downward and underneath straw was set
on fire,
so that the corpses were completely roasted. The peasants' supplies,
such as
cheese, butter, wine, etc., were taken by the soldiers, and the rest
were
thrown away and soiled with the soldiers' excrements so that no one
could use
them afterwards.
In order to
illustrate the fear of the refugees I will give the following
example. On
November 8 I went to the boarding house in Doupnitsa where a great many
of the
refugees were accommodated, so as to ask them together with the mayor
and the
Secretary of the District Chief about their needs. We were
impressed by one of
them whose nose and eyebrows were gashed and bleeding. Asked whether he
had
been tortured by the Turks, the people around him told us that the
previous
night he had jumped up in his sleep and shouted: 'Run, the Turks are
coming!'
Then he had thrown himself against a table and had broken his nose and
his
brow.
As regards
the Uprising itself, I managed to learn from various sources (including
Captain
Stoyanov, whom I met in the village of Rila as he was coming down
from the
mountain with his detachment) that there were no armed detachments left
in the Djoumaya
and Melnik districts. Lieutenant Colonel Nikolov has been living in the
Rila
Mountain for a month now. But detachments which had returned because of
lack of
bullets and warm clothes, intended to go back to Macedonia to continue
their
movement throughout the winter. The population felt for them and helped
them.
For instance, near the village of Surbino, about 300-400 peasants
joined the
detachment of Stoyanov, but they started to run away when they saw that
soldiers were constantly pouring in.
According
to information conveyed by a person I knew, who had managed to escape
from
Djoumaya, it appears that at present there are in the district
8,000-9,000
Turkish soldiers, the majority of whom are scattered through the
villages in
groups of 100 to 200 people in order to 'sojourn' there, which actually
means
to kill. From that same person I also learned the important fact
that the
persecutions to which the Bulgarian population in the Djoumaya district
were
subjected had started mainly after Edhem Pasha, the former
commander-in-chief
of the Turkish Army in the Greek-Turkish war, passed through the town.
Coming
from Syar, he stayed in Djoumaya on October 24 and 25 and then
went back to
Syar. Until his arrival, the Turks had been somewhat confused and had
not known
what to do. Edhem Pasha gave orders for arms to be taken from the
Bulgarian
population, and then the soldiers scattered through the villages and
started
committing their atrocities everywhere. It was this fact which I tried
to
clarify since I considered it to be particularly important: in the
foreign
newspapers I had read just the opposite, namely that the mission of
Edhem Pasha
was, among other things, to instruct the military to refrain from
violence
against the population, so as not to provoke European public opinion.
The
facts, however, refute that appeasing piece of news circulated in
Europe. As
many as 500-600 rifles which had been hidden in the villages were
brought to
Djoumaya. From the beginning of the Uprising until the end of October,
the number
of the Turkish soldiers killed in the Djoumaya district amounted to
1,643. I
feel obliged to note here the fact that the Turks were constantly
bringing
provisions and military supplies to Djoumaya.
In
conclusion I cannot but mention, Mr. Minister, the complaints which I
heard
everywhere both from refugees and from good Macedonian patriots. They
complained of the harm done to the Macedonian cause by the mutual
persecutions
between the two Macedonian organizations - the Mihailovski-Tsonchev
Committee,
on the one hand, and the Internal Organization on the other. These
persecutions
often led to mutual extermination, disgrace and surrender to the
Turks. During
my brief stay in the border villages, I had the opportunity to
become
personally convinced of this through two examples: on my arrival at the
Rila
Monastery on the 5th of this month I learned that a teacher from
Macedonia, a
courier of the Internal Organization, a very intelligent young man, as
he
appeared to me later, had been arrested there by the police as a spy as
result
of the plotting of several members of detachment belonging to the
Mihailovski
Committee. As a result of the intercession of several monks who knew
him
personally very well, the courier was released on the morning of
November 6. The
members of the detachment, however, asked the monks to chase him away
from the
Monastery, so that they could beat him to death somewhere in the forest.
The reverse
side of the medal: On leaving Doupnitsa for Sofia on the 9th of this
month, I
caught up with a young man from Razlog, Georgi Gligorov, who was living
in the
village of Bansko. He had been wounded in the leg during a battle with
the
Turks. During our journey to Radomir, he told me that since he was one
of the
few men from Razlog, who had joined Tsonchev, and since it was the
Internal
Organization that was in charge of Razlog, he, being a courier of
Tsonchev, had
been twice shot at by the people of the Internal Organization with the
intention of killing him.
Not wishing
to comment on the above-mentioned facts, I cannot but note that as a
result of
the mass deportation of the Bulgarian population from the Djoumaya and
Melnik
districts and recently from Razlog, where the Turks have also begun to
commit
outrages on the population, serious harm is being inflicted on
Bulgarian
interests in those places. The same happened in 1879 when half of the
population of Djoumaya moved to liberated Bulgaria and the previously
Bulgarian
character of the town is now changing to Greek-Wallachian.
Accept,
etc.
Signed: S. Chaprashikov
The
Committee was informed in advance about the arrival in Sofia of Count
Lamsdorf 1, Russian Minister of Foreign Affairs.
Realizing the
important political significance of his visit, the Committee duly took
all
necessary measures to be introduced to him. You have probably learned
from the
newspapers that, on the 15th of December about noon, the Committee in
the
person of its Chairman and Deputy-Chairman, had the honour to be
introduced to
Count Lamsdorf in the Russian Consulate, in the presence of the Prime
Minister,
Mr. Danev, and the Russian diplomatic agent Mr. Bakhmetiev. However,
the
Committee considers itself bound to inform its members of facts not
published
in the press.
Besides the
representatives of the Committee two other groups — each of them
separately -
were also introduced to Count Lamsdorf: Dr. Miletich and Dr. Ivan
Georgov, as
representatives of the Macedonian and Adrianople immigrants in
Sofia, and Dr.
Hr. Tatarchev and Mr. Hristo Matov 2 as
representatives of the
Internal Organization.
The
Committee, while refraining from announcing today the particulars of
the
conversation with the Russian Foreign Minister, are glad to inform you
that its
general impression of this meeting offers great hopes that our cause is
not on
the way to satisfactory development.
The aim
which the Committee set itself at the meeting with Count Lamsdorf was
to reveal
to him the desperate and intolerable situation of our brothers in
Turkey - a
situation which is the cause of all the disasters and troubles - and to
submit
to him the demands which can lead to the pacification of the country.
Here are
the demands:
A
'I. From the
present vilayets of Soloun, Bitolya and Skopje a new Region shall be
formed
with Soloun as its centre.
The
frontier line of this Region shall begin from the Serbian frontier
northwest
of Vranya, along the north-west frontiers of the districts of Preshovo
Koumanovo
and through the peak Lyubotrun, along the ridge of the Shar Mountain,
reaching
Korab, the highest mountain top of the Deshat Mountain, from where it
will
continue along the River Veleshtitsa, where the large village of
Radomir is
situated, to the place where this stream runs into the Tsarni Drin.
Then it
will follow this river, and opposite Debur, it will leave it and follow
the
Western border of the district of Ohrid to the spot where this district
crosses
river Devol and, following the river, it will reach the peak of Gramos.
From
there, along the southern borders of the districts of Kostour,
Kaylyare,
Karaferia to the place where the border of the last district crosses
the river
Bistritsa and along it to the
II. A
Christian who has never been connected with the Turkish
administration shall
be appointed as Governor General of this Region, with the approval of
the Great
Powers.
III. The
Governor General shall govern the Region with the assistance of a
Regional Assembly
elected directly by the population with strict observation of the
rights of
minorities, and it shall decide all questions concerning the
internal
arrangement of the Region's administrative and financial affairs.
All the
officials of the districts shall be appointed by the Governor General.
IV. To
maintain peace and order in the Region there shall be a militia,
organized on
the principle of the recruiting system, and directly subordinated to
the
Governor General.
V. The
languages of the principal nationalities of the Region, together with
Turkish,
shall be official in all district institutions; the administrative
units shall
have the right to choose one of them for its official communications.
VI. Full
amnesty shall be given to all political prisoners, irrespective of
whether they
have been sentenced or not, as well as to all suspected of being
untrustworthy,
who were born there, but are at present abroad.
VII. These
reforms shall be introduced by the European Commission with the support
of
international military forces under foreign control.
VIII.
Similar reforms shall be introduced into the
vilayet of
Odrin which shall form a special
Region.'
As you can
see, the demands we have submitted this time are not the same as those
worked
out in 1896. In the preparation of these demands the Committee had two
considerations in mind:
1)
To present them in a briefer form, and 2)
to demand essential things not mentioned in the first project; because
the
number of the victims sacrificed from 1896 till now, and especially the
future
threat which our Cause represents to peace, give us the right to
increase our
claims. With reference to the first consideration, while taking
the draft of
1896 as a basis, the Committee grouped the essential and more
homogenous points
in fewer paragraphs; and some were abandoned entirely, because they
arose from
and were the natural consequences of the first. For this reason,
articles 4, 7
and 9 and 10 of the old project were omitted. With reference to the
second
consideration, the Committee limited the power of the Sultan over
the Region
to the appointment of the Governor General - naturally, with the
approval of
the Great Powers. That is why the Governor General and the Regional
Assembly
become decisive factors: all officials without exception are
appointed by the
former and the latter decide all questions of an administrative and
financial
character (para.3). In addition, the Committee considered it
necessary to
shorten the frontier with the district of Korcha, which is populated
chiefly
with Albanians.
Circumstances gave me
the opportunity to take a closer
view of the activity of the local Macedonian committee of the so-called
‘Internal
Revolutionary Organization’.And, considering it my task to report, as
promptly
as possible about its activities, I am informing you, relying on their
piece-meal information about their preparations ...
In the whole
region here (I mean not only the vilayet of Soloun), there is hardly
any large
settlement without a detachment of rebels. The members of these
detachments are
not known to the peasants. For this reason, the latter are in
constant touch
with them, and are under their influence and power to such an extent,
that
there are even cases when the peasants turn to the rebels, and, always
successfully at that, for help in discovering those guilty of some
crime or another...
The Turks are also aware of the existence of these detachments, but
they have
not considered it necessary, until now, to
take any decisive measures ...
I
should add that the detachments led by
committee members living in the bigger towns like Soloun, Bitolya.etc.,
had
(and still have) strict orders to avoid, at all costs for the time
being, any
conflict with the police or military authorities, and merely to prepare
the
population to accept the idea of a general uprising at the first signal
on the
part of the higher leaders of the professed cause of liberation. The
time for
the rebellion is not fixed, although the increasing chaos in the
administration
of the provinces and the flagrant abuses of power on the part of the
civil
authorities and the Moslem beys, who enjoy their patronage, is
beginning to
oppress the Christian population beyond measure, and, after some
incidental
clashes between the rebels and the gendarmes, it is already fleeing to
the mountains,
sometimes even whole villages.
The military
operations of armed rebel detachments coming from Bulgaria, the
ruthless
reprisals of the Turkish troops, the intervention of Russia, the
reforms
already proclaimed by the Sultan, as well as those which are still
expected,
all this, if it has not changed
the activities of the local committees, has at least given them fresh impetus.
These
committees, as it is well known, were and still are in conflict with
the
committees in Sofia, whom they accused of rashly proclaiming the
unprepared uprising,
which cost the population many unnecessary casualties. With the arrest
of
Tsonchev, Mihailovski and other leaders in Sofia, and the dissolution
of the
committees acting on the territory of the Principality, the
revolutionaries
here feel freer, but they themselves seem to have decided not to
postpone the
projected uprising, but merely to wait and see the results of the
last, as
they suppose, peaceful attempts of the Great Powers to alleviate the
fate of
the Christian population in Macedonia.
They have
little belief in the success of these attempts, and for this reason,
now,
without fixing the time beforehand, they are preparing the population
by all
possible means to accept the idea that decisive actions will begin
soon, and
the rebel detachments are feverishly working to recruit to their ranks
young
Bulgarians and Christians in general. According to the information
which I
have, this recruiting is not without success, although they are fully
convinced
of the superiority of the enemy forces.
As for the
other preparations, like collecting of clothes, shoes, food, and even
bandages,
I am no longer reporting them: the population has for a long time been
compelled to pay taxes for these, both in kind and in money.
‘They will not allow the Turks to massacre
us the way they did in
Armenia...’ reason the local leaders of the
revolutionary
movement, 'and if we postpone the revolt indefinitely, we may cause the
noise
over the Macedonian problem to die down, and, by losing the solid
ground on
which circumstances have permitted us to stand, we may miss the most
favourable
moment for the complete liberation of the Macedonian Bulgarians from
the Turks.’
The
programme of the uprising, as far as I know, consists mainly of the
transfer of
all rebel detachments to the mountains, together with the whole popula
tion of
the settlement as far as possible, and simultaneous attacks by partisan
detachments on gendarmes and troops in different places, at great
distances
from each other, to prevent co-ordinated operations by the troops
scattered in
strategic centres. Arms and ammunition will not be lacking, the
committees
declare.
Such are
the plans of the local Macedonian committees. To what extent they will
be able
to realize them, in view of the measures taken by us, I do not venture
to say
positively. But I consider, without exaggerating the importance of the
local
revolutionary organization, that it can hardly be expected to collapse
by
peaceful means only. In recent years, it has taken deep root among the
population, it has provoked the violent rage of the Moslem world
against all
Bulgarians; and it has greatly fanned the permanent hatred of the
Greeks
towards them. Thus, the Bulgarians will jump at the first opportunity
and run
the risk of fighting all the enemies armed against them and, above all,
the
Turkish authorities, who seem to be losing patience and to be in a very
militant mood.
Besides,
the presence at this moment, in the vilayet of Soloun, of Boris Sarafov
and his
assistant Delchev, who act in agreement with the local committee, as
well as
the expected influx of Bulgarian Macedonians from the Principality, may
only
complicate further the activities initiated to pacify the area.
There are
no grounds to expect an uprising of the whole Bulgarian, much less the
whole
Christian, population of Macedonia, but it seems to me that we must
expect
simultaneous outbreaks in different parts of this vast region, as well
as the
possibility of bloody reprisals on the part of the Turkish authorities
and
population, not so much against the rebels themselves, as against
their
voluntary or forced concealers.
This is
what the Turk said: ... 'The Bulgarian population in the vilayet does
not
understand the real situation in the least. It does not even know the
latest
declaration of the Russian Government. In spite of this declaration
which
proclaims that in the Balkan disorders not a single drop of Russian
blood will
be shed, the people blindly believe the priests, the teachers, and the
other
leaders of the
Committee, that Russia is secretly supporting the Bulgarians ...'
In general,
the leaders of the Bulgarian committees, and the whole population,
following
their example, are very mistrustful and skeptical as far as the reforms
are
concerned. The reorganization of the gendarmerie may serve as an
example of
this. To a total of 80-100 Christian zaptiehs, only 50 people were
added. The
latter include Greeks, Wallachians and very few Bulgarians.
Undoubtedly, the
Bulgarian communes are forbidding their members to enter Turkish
service. Owing
to the leadership of the Committee, it is they that are at the root of
the
disorders in Macedonia.
The former
vali of the vilayet of Bitolya, when asked about the measures which
should be
adopted in order to limit the activities of the Bulgarian rebel
detachments,
recommended the following plan:
Instead of
sending troops to different villages, thus giving reason for
complaints on the
part of the population, it is much more expedient to concentrate troops
in the
centres of the districts, in numbers depending on the significance of
the
districts themselves, but never less than a company of soldiers in one
place.
In districts where the population is predominantly Bulgarian, like
those of Ohrid, Kichevo, Prilep and Lerin -
strong detachments of troops should be concentrated. In addition, some
detachments of gendarmes should make the rounds of the villages. It is
preferable to have in each district centre at least a regiment. If the
gendarmes are not sufficient, their number may be increased according
to local
needs.
His
Imperial Majesty the Sultan, who was informed about this plan, ordered
Your
Highness to inform him of your opinion on this problem.
The office of the
myutesarif of Syar has announced that, according to a report by the
British
consul in the town,1 Bulgarian
revolutionaries intend to begin
a series of outrages in
It can be
seen from this report that the Bulgarians intend to expand their
revolutionary
activities and, for this reason, it is necessary to take all possible
preventive measures. After the above-mentioned report had been
announced to
H.M. the Sultan, he gave orders - because all the Bulgarians living in
Constantinople
belong to some guild or other - for the respective heads of the
different
guilds to be informed that they would be held responsible for all
crimes committed
by members of their guild.
Moreover,
since it is impossible that the Bulgarian clergy do not know anything
about the
activities of the Bulgarians under their spiritual jurisdiction, it is
natural
that the Bulgarian Exarch should bear a certain responsibility for the
actions
of the Bulgarians. For this reason, he is to be summoned to the Great
Vizirate
and, after being informed about the disorders which have taken place in
the
districts of Soloun and Bitolya, and about the report of the myutesarif
of
Syar, he is to be told categorically that all these trouble-makers are
under
his spiritual authority.
Besides he
should be informed about the captured arms in the church of the village
of
Gorno Brodi, and also, that, according to the confessions of the
detained
criminals, the Bulgarian teachers in the town of Syar and the
Chairman of the
church commune there are responsible for all incitement in the
district of
Syar.
After this
the Exarch must be told most categorically that only those Bulgarians
shall
remain in Constantinople for whom he vouches and for whose behaviour he
accepts
responsibility - all the rest will be expelled from the capital.
Moreover, he
must present a list of the persons, who, in his opinion, should not
remain in
the capital. These persons are to be expelled from Constantinople
within a day
or two.
Monsieur le Ministre,
J'ai rendu compte au jour le jour, par le télégraphe, à Votre Excellence de la série d'attentats à la dynamite dont la ville de Salonique vient d'être le théâtre. Il est très difficile encore de démêler l'origine et la véritable portée de ces événements. Nous ne possédons pas jusqu'ici de données suffisantes pour résoudre ces questions essentielles. Les attentats sont-ils l'œuvre d'un groupe isolé de révolutionnaires à tendances anarchistes? Emanent-ils de l'un des deux grands comités (comité bulgare ou association intérieure) ou sont-ils le produit d'une entente entre ces comités, ou bien encore les comités ou l'un d'eux ont-ils sans les avoir conçus et dirigés, prêté la main à leur exécution?
Il serait également prématuré de chercher à déterminer les conséquences de ces attentats sur le développement ultérieur de la question bulgare-macédonienne.
Je me bornerai donc à reprendre l'exposé des faits déjà connus par mes télégrammes.
28 avril - à 11 heures 15 le vapeur des Messageries Maritimes le Guadalquivir sortant à peine du port était la première victime des révolutionnaires. J'ai fourni de longs détails sur cette catastrophe dans un rapport en date du 3 mai sous le timbre de la Sous-Direction des Affaires Consulaires. L'auteur de cet attentat, un Bulgare de Kustendil, nommé Georges Manasoff, porteur d'un Passeport bulgare régulièrement visé pour Varna, prenait le lendemain matin le train conventionnel, mais était arrêté à Uskub sur les indications fournies par équipage du Guadalquivir. Son procès commence aujourd'hui même devant la cour martiale instituée sous la présidence d'Edib Pacha.
Le même jour, à 9 heures du soir, un engin à la dynamite faisait explosion devant la machine de l'express de Constantinople au moment où le train entrait en ville: la détonation de l'engin avait été provoquée par un pétard employé dans le service du chemin de fer pour donner des signaux d'alarme. Une partie seulement de la dynamite avait fait explosion: le tout semblait avoir été installé par des mains assez inexpérimentées.
Le lendemain, le 29, vers 8 heures du soir, je me trouvais dans mon bureau avec mon chancelier M. Vernazza et M. Choublier qui était venu à Salonique pour affaires personnelles, lorsque la lumière du gaz s'éteignit tout à coup, plongeant la maison dans l'obscurité. Je regardai dans la rue: il en était de même. Quelques secondes après, plusieurs explosions se faisaient entendre, dont une extrêmement violente. Mon impression fut que l'on avait fait sauter l'usine à gaz, dirigée par un Français qui l'habite avec sa famille et, que, profitant de l'obscurité, des malfaiteurs jetaient des bombes en ville pour y semer la panique. M. Vernazza rentra chez lui à pied pour rassurer les siens. M. Choublier courut aux nouvelles pendant que j'essayais de rassurer ma famille et que je surveillais avec nos cavass les issues du Consulat, sachant que les révolutionnaires comptaient ne pas épargner les agents étrangers. Bientôt après arrivait votre commis expéditionnaire, M. Mallet; il se trouvait sur le quai dans un café en plein air lorsque le gaz s'y éteignit. - Aussitôt après, une bombe avait été jetée au milieu des consommateurs, tuant un garçon de l'établissement.
J'appris ensuite qu'un attentat semblable avait été commis un peu plus loin, à la terrasse d'une brasserie fréquentée comme la première exlusivement par des européens. Mais il n'y avait pas eu de victime.
Les nouvelles que rapporta M. Choublier n'étaient pas plus rassurantes: l'usine à gaz était intacte, mais on avait fait sauter la Banque Ottomane qui se trouvait en flammes. Dans le voisinage, des révolutionnaires jetaient des bombes sur la troupe.
Bientôt après, je me rendis chez le Valy avec deux collègues dont les habitations sont les plus voisines de la mienne, les Consuls Généraux d'Angleterre et d'Italie. Le Valy était déjà parti pour se rendre à la Banque Ottomane; nous allâmes l'y rejoindre. Mais en chemin sa voiture croisa la nôtre. Nous revînmes chez lui et rencontrâmes en route le Consul Général d'Autriche-Hongrie qui se joignit à nous.
La ville était alors presque entièrement dépourvue de troupes; toutes celles qu'on avait retenues pendant la semaine sainte orthodoxe avaient été expédiées sur Vérisovitch. L'autorité militaire ne disposait guère que de deux bataillons de nizams, de quelques cavaliers et d'un demi bataillon de redits de Prichtina, pillards incorrigibles qu'il importait avant tout de tenir consignés. Pendant que nous étions chez le Valy, on vint annoncer que deux bataillons de rédifs de Smyrne venaient d'arriver dans le port et allaient être immédiatement débarques. Le Valy nous assura que tout serait fait pour protéger nos nationaux; je lui indiquai ceux de nos établissements pour lesquels je demandai que des précautions spéciales fussent prises; il m'assura qu'il tiendrait compte de mes désirs. Le lendemain, je lui en adressai la liste par écrit. J'insistai également avec mes collègues pour que l'on évitât toute immixtion de la population dans la répression des troubles. Hassan Fehmi Pacha nous assura qu'il y avait prévu.
Revenu au Consulat vers minuit, j'y restai jusqu'à l'aube en raison de l'extrême difficulté de circuler en ville et du danger qui semblait toujours menacer nos habitations.
Au point du jour, je me procurai une voiture pour visiter nos établissements et me rendre compte des événements de la nuit. L'émotion avait été vive à notre hôpital qui n'est séparé de la Banque Ottomane que par une rue étroite. L'équipage du Guadalquivir qui s'y trouvait en subsistance avait combattu avec succès l'incendie de l'aile voisine de la Banque et sauvé ainsi notre établissement. Auprès de l'hôpital, entre le principal corps de bâtiment de la Banque dont il ne restait que des décombres fumants et la poste ottomane qui lui fait face, on apercevait de vastes mares de sang au milieu desquelles un cheval, les quatre pattes broyées, achevait d'expirer en balançant la tête. La veille au soir, au moment de l'extinction du gaz, quatre hommes étaient descendus de voiture devant la Banque. L'un deux avait déposé sur le guichet de la poste une bombe qu'un cavass avait ramassée ne sachant ce que c'était. Elle avait éclaté dans ses mains, le déchiquetant d'une manière affreuse. D'autres bombes avaient été jetées sur les soldats de garde devant la banque, quelques-unes lancées par les fenêtres de l'établissement. Un agent de police et un soldat avaient été, l'un grièvement blessé, l'autre tué sur le coup. Bientôt après se produisait l'explosion d'une puissante mine souterraine. Un des murs de la Banque s'était effondré sur le club allemand qui lui est adossé et sur la cour d'un des principaux hôtels de Salonique. La porte de la cour était tombée sur le Gérant du Consulat d'Allemagne qui, au moment de l'extinction du gaz, était sorti du club avec quelques autres personnes.
Les décombres du mur avaient tué sur le coup un de nos administrés, M. Otto Trumpler, Suisse protégé français, négociant très honorablement connu, marie et père de deux enfants, ainsi qu'un cordonnier italien, père de plusieurs enfants. On a relevé depuis sous les mêmes ruines le coprs d'un débitant de tabac, qui, au moment de l'explosion, fermait sa boutique située en face de la Banque. Plusieurs Allemands et Autrichiens furent blessés au même endroit, 1 un d'eux très grièvement. Dans la cour de l'hôtel où donne également l'habitation d'un tailleur italien, celui-ci était mortellement blessé, deux de ses enfants devaient aussi des blessures graves.
Un peu plus loin, dans le même quartier, deux jeunes gens réfugiés dans une maison contiguë à l'école allemande avaient soutenu un siège contre la Police et la troupe sur laquelle ils avaient jeté un grand nombre de bombes.
Plusieurs projectiles avaient été lancés dans la cour de l'école mais sans y j faire grands dégâts. L'un de ces jeunes gens s'était enfui, l'autre avait été tué. Son corps que l'on chargea devant moi sur une charrette était celui d'un jeune homme de 20 à 22 ans et portait des vêtements européens assez misérables: c'est le type commun des criminels qui furent arrêtés ou tués cette nuit ou le lendemain, porteurs de bombes ou de cartouches de dynamite.
En me dirigeant vers l'usine à gaz, je constatai la cause de l'obscurité subite dans laquelle la ville avait été plongée. Un engin avait entièrement brisé la conduite principale en un point où elle traverse un ravin sous un pont routier. Plus loin, j'aperçus des traces d'une explosion par laquelle on avait tenté sans succès d'incendier les dépôts de pétrole.
Pendant toute la nuit, on avait procédé à des arrestations et à des perquisitions; un certain nombre de malfaiteurs s'étaient défendus en jetant des bombes, d'autres avait été tués en s'enfuyant; d'autres, enfin, à ce qu'on me dit, avaient été tués après s'être livrés. Des luttes semblables eurent lieu jusque vers la fin de l'après-midi du 30. La dernière qui avait eu pour théâtre une maison voisine de l'établissement des sœurs n'avait pas manqué de provoquer une émotion assez vive chez nos religieuses et chez les marins du Guadalquivir qui se croyaient visés par les complices de l'incendiaire du navire.
J'avais rencontré pendant les courses faites en ville pendant cette journée une quinzaine au moins de charrettes de balayage portant à découvert de un à trois cadavres. J'avais donc lieu de craindre que la répression n'eut,au moins sur certains points, dégénéré en massacres. En rentrant vers 4 heures de l'hôpital, je trouvai chez moi un Français qui me raconta que trois fugitifs avaient été massacrés dans sa maison en présence de sa famille. Ci-inclus, Votre Excellence trouvera copie d'une lettre qu'il m'a adressée sur mon invitation pour confirmer les faits. Je le pris aussitôt en voiture avec moi ainsi qu'un Italien qui avait assisté à la même scène et les amenai au Conak. Au moment de mon arrivée, le Valy en sortait pour se rendre en ville; il avait déjà dans la matinée parcouru les quartiers les plus troublés de la ville, adressant de sa voiture découverte des allocutions au public pour le rassurer, disant que les troupes et la police suffisaient à maintenir l'ordre et que quiconque essaierait de se substituer à elles serait sévèrement puni. Les dispositions personnelles était donc excellentes, mais il importait de lui faire connaître sans retard que des abus avaient été commis. M. Hassan Fehmi Pacha me remercia de ma communication et me promit de renouveler aussitôt ses ordres de la manière la plus formelle et la plus sévère. J'ai su depuis par des personnes qui avait vu tuer dans la rue plusieurs prisonniers qu'un officier avait parcouru les rues vers 5 heures défendant formellement de tuer ou de frapper les personnes arrêtées et de faire usage des armes autrement que contre ceux qui se défendaient à l'aide d'armes ou de bombes. Cet ordre fut obéi et depuis lors il ne me semble pas s'être produit de scènes de massacre.
Il est très difficile d'être exactement fixé sur le nombre des Bulgares qui trouvé la mort dans la soirée du 29 et dans la journée du 30. Les appréciations varient de 35, chiffre donné par le Valy, à plus de trois cents minimum auquel il faudrait s'arrêter si l'on doit en croire plusieurs européens, pour la plupart Allemands et Autrichiens, qui habitent les quartiers ouest de la ville où réside la population bulgare. Le chiffre officiel de 35 à 40 qui est bien celui des inhumations faites au cimetière bulgare me paraît bien faible lorsque je me souviens avoir moi-même vu transporter au moins une vingtaine de cadavres. Des officiers parlent de 112 Bulgares tués, ce chiffre paraît assez vraisemblable, mais il est impossible de réunir à cet égard des données précises: on ignorera jusqu'après l'achèvement des procès en cours ce que sont devenues beaucoup de personnes arrêtées et, d'autre part, on sait qu'il était arrivé à Salonique au cours des deux ou trois derniers mois beaucoup de Bulgares de l'intérieur sans attaches dans la ville et dont personne sans doute ne remarquera la disparition. Il est certainement difficile de dire ce que sont devenus les corps qui n'ont pas été apportés aux cimetières, mais il semble probable que tous n'y ont pas été conduits. En voici un exemple: un Italien et un Allemand, qui en ont témoigné devant leurs Consulats ont vu des Albanais enfoncer la porte d'une église bulgare et massacrer un prêtre qui s'y trouvait. On m'assura qu'aucun cadavre de prêtre n'a été apporté au cimetière.
La répression des attentats du 29 a été, comme il fallait s'y attendre, l'occasion ou le prétexte d'un certain nombre d'actes criminels: un Grec, cavass de l'école commerciale française, Guiraud, aurait été la victime de l'un d'eux, si du moins le fait relaté dans la lettre ci-incluse que M. Guiraud m'a adressée est rigoureusement exact. J'ai remis copie de cette lettre au Gouverneur Général qui m'a promis de faire procéder à ce sujet à une enquête sévère.
Si regrettables que soient les excès constatés, on peut dire qu'ils ont été relativement rares et l'on doit se féliciter de ce qu'ils n'aient pas suivi en plus grand nombre les attentats commis par les criminels bulgares dans la soirée du 29 et la journée du 30. En règle générale, la population musulmane a été tenue à écart de la répression et la troupe a fait son devoir avec un sang-froid qui n'était pas sans mérite.
Sans doute cet heureux résultat est dû avant tout à des ordres envoyés de Constantinople où l'on doit comprendre quel profit aurait la Turquie à ne laisser mettre à sa charge aucune «atrocité» qui puisse contrebalancer dans l'opinion de l'Europe l'horreur inspirée par les attentats bulgares. Mais je dois rendre hommage aux efforts accomplis par notre Gouverneur Général en vue de tenir en mains la population musulmane. Son attitude a été aussi énergique que correcte et l'opinion publique considère que si de grands malheurs ont été évités on le doit a son influence personnelle et aux exemples de courage et de sang--froid qu'il a donnés en parcourant à maintes reprises en voiture découverte les quartiers troublés. Le corps des officiers a également fait preuve de discipline et de sang-froid et ne saurait être rendu responsable dans son ensemble de quelques excès inévitables dans de parailles circonstances.
Par contre on ne saurait trop blâmer l'incapacité qu'a témoignée la police de Salonique en y laissant préparer impunément les derniers attentats.
Un grand nombre de jeunes gens sans occupation connue s'étaient rendus en ville depuis quelques mois et l'on a découvert chez plusieurs d'entre eux des dépôts assez importants de dynamite et de bombes. La police ne semble s'être doutée de rien et une fois passée la semaine sainte orthodoxe pendant laquelle de grandes précautions avaient été prises, la garnison de Salonique avait été réduite à sa plus simple expression et les mesures de police suspendues ou sensiblement réduites.
L'ignorance de la police semble d'autant plus extraordinaire que c'est dans le voisinage de la Banque Ottomane, depuis longtemps désignée par le bruit public comme visée par les révolutionnaires, que se concentrait l'activité de ceux-ci. Nombre de personnes avaient remarqué les allées et venues de quelques jeunes gens inconnus qui prenaient leurs repas dans trois restaurants bulgares dont l'un faisait face à la Banque Ottomane. Le Directeur de l'Agence en avait été lui-même assez frappé pour avoir fait signaler le fait, dans la matinée du 29, au commissaire de police du quartier; il lui avait demandé de faire faire des perquisitions dans les hôtels et magasins du voisinage. Le commissaire avait répondu qu'il n'y avait à s'inquiéter de rien, la ville étant tranquille et la police bien faite.
Or, on a constaté dès le lendemain que la Banque avait été détruite par l'explosion d'une mine souterraine dont l'entrée se trouve dans la cave d'une boutique d'épicerie située presque en face de la Banque. Cette boutique avait été louée assez cher en septembre dernier par un Bulgare qui se faisait appeler Marco et qui avait fait alors un premier achat de 20 Ltq=420 francs de marchandises. Depuis lors, il n'avait plus rien fait venir. Des personnes inconnues venaient seules dans cette boutique et en sortaient avec des paquets enveloppés de papier qui contenaient les déblais des mines. Lorsqu'un client se présentait et que la marchandise qu'il demandait était épuisée, on le renvoyait au lendemain pour avoir le temps de retirer un arrivage qui se trouvait en douane. L'épicier avait payé d'avance plusieurs mensualités d'abonnement à la Compagnie des Eaux.
De la cave de cette boutique partait un tunnel d'un métré environ de hauteur, long de 13 mètres et allant aboutir sous l'angle des fondations de la Banque. Ci-inclus, Votre Excellence trouvera la reproduction d'un des plans de ce tunnel reproduits sur papier quadrillé et qui servaient aux ouvriers. On remarquera l'exactitude minutieuse des données rapportées sur ces plans. Il est à noter que les ouvriers disposaient d'un outillage complet, les tunnels étaient aérés par un grand soufflet de forge placé dans la cave. L'opinion générale à Salonique est que le faux épicier, qui était âgé d'une quarantaine d'années, devait être un officier du génie de l'armée bulgare. Il a disparu depuis l'explosion et il ne semble pas être au nombre des morts.
L'explosion de ce travail a été provoquée par une mèche de mine (cordon Bickfoord).
A un mètre environ de l'ouverture de ce tunnel, il en avait été creusé antérieurement un autre que l'on avait rebouché à l'aide des terres retirées du second, mais en y ménageant une étroite canalisation pour le passage de deux mèches semblables. L'extrémité cachetée de ces mèches était suspendue par une ficelle à une solive de la cave: mais les criminels, désirant sans doute que l'explosion de cet ouvrage ne se produisît qu'après celle de la Banque, au lieu d'y mettre le feu directement, s'étaient contentés d'allumer au-dessous des papiers imbibés de pétrole. Il est probable que la poussée d'air qui s'est produite par le tunnel incomplètement bouché de la première mine a éteint le feu de papiers et empêché que la catastrophe prît des proportions formidables. On s'occupe actuellement de rechercher le point d'aboutissement de ce travail.
Dans la boutique et dans la cave d'épicerie, quelques bouteilles se trouvent encore suspendues par des ficelles. On suppose qu'elles contiennent de la nitroglycérine: on attend pour les enlever la constitution d'une commission spéciale.
L'aveuglement de la police qui a permis que des travaux aussi importants fussent exécutés dans le voisinage immédiat de la Banque, que des quantités considérables de dynamite et de bombes fussent introduites ou fabriquées à Salonique, enfin que des personnes inconnues et suspectes pussent aller et venir inaperçues de ses seuls agents, paraît ici tellement extraordinaire que, dans l'opinion d'un grand nombre de personnes, il ne saurait s'expliquer que par un mot d'ordre l'invitant à fermer le? yeux jusqu'à ce que les Bulgares se fussent signalés par un coup d'éclat justifiant les répressions les plus sévères.
Je ne saurais croire pour ma part à un aussi dangereux machiavélisme de la part de l'autorité turque et j'ai la certitude que le Valy de Salonique, Hassan Fehmi Pacha, ne se serait jamais prêté en quelque mesure que ce soit à de semblables calculs. J'ai cru cependant devoir signaler ce bruit qui, peut-être sera accueilli par quelques journaux soit en Occident soit au moins dans la principauté bulgare.
Il suffit à mon sens, pour expliquer ces faits, de se référer à ce que l'on sait de la désorganisation qui règne dans les administrations ottomanes: lorsqu'il a été question, il y a quelques mois, de réorganiser la police et la gendarmerie, c’est, on s'en souvient, aux chefs mêmes de ces administrations qu'il a été fait appel. Après ce qui vient de se passer, c'est encore l'ancien chef de la police de Salonique qui préside à toutes les enquêtes dirigées contre les auteurs des attentats à la dynamite et contre leurs complices. On peut craindre que, dans de Pareilles conditions, ce que la police pourrait retrouver de perspicacité naturelle ne soit quelque peu entravé par le souci de dissimuler ses propres fautes.
Il y aurait sans doute beaucoup à dire sur le courage désespéré que les révolutionnaires bulgares ont apporté à l'accomplissement de leurs crimes: il est certainement difficile de lutter contre la résolution d'hommes qui ont fait le sacrifice de leur vie. On expliquerait ainsi qu'un attentat isolé ait pu être commis, mais non qu'il ait pu s'organiser un complot assez vaste, comprenant un assez grand nombre d'affiliés presque tous étrangers à la ville; et surtout rien n'excuse que l'on ait pu, à l'insu de la police, mettre en œuvre les moyens matériels qui ont été employés à Salonique dans les journées du 28, du 29 et du 30 avril.
Il reste à dire quelques mots des mesures de protection qui ont été prises à la suite de ces attentats: on avait annoncé la proclamation de l'état de siège Le Gouvernement s'en est tenu à édicter des mesures de police dont la principale consiste à interdire toute circulation dans la ville une heure après le coucher du soleil. C'est là une disposition gênante sans doute, mais amplement justifiée par les faits. L'institution d'une cour martiale à l'effet de juger promptement les auteurs des crimes anarchistes commis par les révolutionnaires bulgares me paraît également constituer une sauvegarde pour la population paisible de toute religion et nationalité. Elle enlève toute excuse aux exécutions sommaires auxquelles la force publique ou la population musulmane pourraient être tentées de se livrer.
La Cour Martiale siège à huit clos: Je viens cependant d'assister à l'une des premières séances: il s'agissait d'interroger des personnes de l'équipage du Guadalquivir et de les confronter avec l'auteur présumé de l'attentat commis sur ce navire. Ce tribunal extraordinaire m'a laissé, je dois le dire, une impression bien meilleure à tous égards que la cour criminelle à laquelle avait été confié, en 1900, le procès des révolutionnaires bulgares à Salonique.
En résumé, les mesures prises jusqu'ici pour arrêter à Salonique le cours des attentats paraissent bonnes et efficaces. La garnison suffisamment nombreuse se compose de rédifs d'Anatolie, soldats dont l'attitude est excellente.
On redoute encore que les criminels, associés aux auteurs des derniers attentats qui se tiennent encore cachés en ville attendent que la surveillance se relâche pour accomplir de nouveaux attentats pour lesquels ils auraient été designés, et la perspicacité que la police a témoignée jusqu'ici n'est guère faite pour rassurer contre ce danger, mais somme toute, la ville reviendrait assez vite a une vie normale si la situation de l'intérieur de la Macédoine n'apparaissait comme de plus en plus .inquiétante.
Veuillez
agréer les assurances du respect avec lequel j'ai l'honneur
d'être,
Monsieur le Ministre,
de votre Excellence
le très humble et très obéissant serviteur
L.
Steeg
There is no need
to demonstrate the necessity for a country to know the exact number of
its
population. Even if the disorders in Roumelia had not happened, a
census of the
population of this region is necessary, and even obligatory under the
present
circumstances.
One of the
chief obstacles to the taking of a census of the Moslem population is
their
custom of concealing the females. For this reason, some people suggest
that
only the male population should be recorded, but instead of that it
would be
better to explain clearly to the population the advantages of the
census.
As far as
the census of the Christian population is concerned, I do not agree
with the
supposition that this will be harmful to the state, because, from the
information so far received, the Moslem population is greater than the
Christian.
Besides,
since the interests of the Greek population are contrary to the
interests of
the Bulgarians and the Serbs, we can rely on its faithfulness and
loyalty;
and, for this reason, it is in the interest of the country to increase
the
number of supporters of the Patriarchate because in this way the
Bulgarians
will remain in the minority.
The Serbian
population has not so far shown any sign of unloyalty but, if in the
future, it
attempts to create disorder, this will not be dangerous because it is
small in
number and we can easily crush it.
The
Wallachian population has not created any difficulties to the state up
till
now, and it is unlikely to yield to any foreign influence in the future.
As for the
population in the vilayet of Skodra, it does not present any danger,
since it
is split into clans, and thus it can also be registered in its
respective
communes. Such small clans cannot undertake any dangerous actions,
except in
cases when they are incited or supported by a foreign power.
In addition
to the above facts, I must also say that, in order to ensure the Proper
taking
of the census and to prevent any possibility of concealing or giving
false
information, severe punishments should be envisaged both for the
guardians and
the elders
In a
telegram dated June 24, I informed Your Excellency of the most
important
impressions I obtained during my tour of the eastern parts of the
Skopje
vilayet. Now, forwarding to Your Excellency a general protocol, drawn
up by
myself and by the Austro-Hungarian Consul Para, I consider it my duty
to offer
my most detailed view of the general situation in the part of Macedonia
we
investigated, as well as to suggest some measures, which, if they
cannot avert,
will, at least, postpone the crisis.
As Your
Excellency will be able to see from our protocol, the state of
affairs in the
eastern regions of the Skopje vilayet can be characterized in one
single word:
'anarchy.' The Moslem population continues to regard the Christians as
defenseless slaves whose life and property is completely at their
mercy. For
this reason every Bulgarian village is being kept in constant fear
either by
the population of the neighbouring Moslem villages, or, if it is a
farm, by its brutal tyrant — the bey. The
Moslem field guards, too, are usually tyrants, and in most cases, they
have
stayed in the Bulgarian villages, despite the appointment of
Christian guards,
who, under these conditions, naturally have no influence whatever,
moreover,
they do not have either identification signs or arms.
The local
authorities are apparently not in the least influenced by the humane
circular
letters with which the Chief Inspector has been flooding them (these
are
actually his own words). The notorious expeditions to pursue rebels and
to
confiscate arms almost invariably turn into a march against the enemy
who
appears to be every Bulgarian peasant. Whether the village weapons are
handed
over or not is immaterial, in either case, men are beaten up, and
sometimes
subjected to most odious torture; women and daughters are very often
raped,
while property is invariably pillaged. Then the detachment withdraws
taking
along 'captives,' who are again subjected to so many cruel beatings on
the way,
that some of them die. Such a campaign naturally results in the flight
of the
peasants from their villages which have been violated, pillaged and
turned into
ashes, and in the intensification of revolutionary propaganda in the
given
area.
The
population of the villages, as well as of the towns in the Skopje
vilayet,
however, does not suffer only from these periodical raids - it also has
its own
permanent tyrants. First of all, by this I mean the notorious ilave
(reinforcements), secondly Albanian rediff (of
the reserve). The ‘exploits’ of the Preshov reinforced
battalion, long familiar to Your Excellency, have been described even
more
clearly in the protocol enclosed; the Langaz reinforced battalion in
Koumanovo
behaves no better, rivalling its predecessors in plunder and murders.
As for
the Albanian rediffs, suffice it to mention the battalion of
the Gilyan
regiment in Egri Palanka, which has been terrorizing the whole town;
during our
stay there, the atrocities perpetrated by that horde before our very
eyes assumed
such proportions that we had to ask Hilmi Pasha by telegram to move the
battalion away from Palanka, now it is 'protecting' the safety of the
citizens
of Skopje. Ibrahim, the murderer of the late G.S. Shcherbin, served in
that
regiment.
It is
necessary to note that the Turkish prosecution in Macedonia holds an
extremely
original view, whereby criminal offences are persecuted only when a
complaint
has been made by those that have suffered the offence. Therefore, the
numerous
crimes about which the citizens do not inform the authorities, either
fearing
the revenge of the Moslems, or out of shame (in cases of rape) go
unpunished.
The prisons have been packed not with criminals, but with people
arrested on
the basis of the most groundless information received, or simply
suspected of
being unreliable.
In general,
one must confess that the provincial authorities are doing their best
to incite
the Bulgarian population against them. Thus, they have recently devised
a way
of exiling people to their places of birth. If, for instance, 'the
suspect' was
born in Veles but has been living for 30 years in Koumanovo, where he
has
raised a family and exercises a trade, he is called one fine day into
the
police station, and interned in his native place, sometimes without his
family,
which is left to die of starvation. By the way, as is well-known to
Your
Excellency, internment is Hilmi Pasha's favourite measure, who regards
it as a
remedy for all evils.
The
questioning of the peasants working on the building of the road from
Palanka to
Koumanovo has made it quite clear that most elementary justice is being
violated in the assignment of work; the peasants are almost always made
to work
three or four times longer than they should; they are torn away from
their work
in the fields in the most strenuous season. We also heard numerous
complaints
of the buying-out system. It is only to be regretted that Hilmi Pasha's
rather
rational project abolishing this system, has not been accepted by the
Sublime
Porte.
I consider
it my duty to draw to Your Excellency's attention a draft of several
measures
which, in my view (shared by the Consul of Austro-Hungary) would for
some time
calm down the population of the Skopje vilayet.
I. The
officials guilty of violence should be immediately dismissed and put on
trial.
II. All ilavi
and Albanian rediffs should be replaced by other more
disciplined
troops.
III. Soldiers
should be court-martialled for murder, plunder and violence committed
against
peaceful citizens.
IV. The
bashibazouks, i.e. private persons of Moslem origin, should be banned
from
taking part in operations against the rebels and they should be court
martialled for participation in raids against Christian villages.
V. The
peasants who have fled from their villages after the raids, should be
allowed
to return.
VI. Persons
arrested on suspicion only, should be set free.
VII. The
authorities should refrain from arbitrary arrests and internment.
VIII.
Crimes should be investigated by the prosecution, regardless of the
complaints
from the victims.
IX. The
commission, travelling to investigate an incident, should not plunder
villagers. The expenses should be met by the treasury.
X. The Moslem field
guards should ultimately disappear from Christian villages.
XI. Tithes should
be collected according to Hilmi Pasha's project.
XII. The
road duty of peasants should be regulated. In my opinion, if the Porte
accepts
all these points, one could rely on a certain improvement of the
situation.
But, as is well known, there is always a great discrepancy between
words and
deeds. During my tour of the Skopje vilayet, I became convinced that
the old
spirit of Moslem intolerance continues, as previously, to haunt
the unhappy
country, and does not permit the penetration of the beneficial breath
of
reforms.