XVIII. Macedonia and its inhabitants after the insurrection
2. The situation in Macedonia during the last years of the struggle for Greek independence, with particular reference to Western Macedonia
1. The inhabitants of Western Macedonia continued to suffer greatly at the hands of the undisciplined Albanian troops, who were little more than predatory bands, and wbo did not hesitate to attack rural towns and cities, particularly the more prosperous ones, as we learn from contemporary Turkish documents. The Ottoman authorities decided to take action and, on 19th February 1825, for instance, the Vali of Rumeli, Mehmed Reshid Pasha, sent orders to the Kadı of Monastir and to other authorities, for the formation of a body of 100 men, to protect the villages from the arbitrary behaviour of the başıbozuks (Turkish irregulars) and other troops [2]. He also ordered the same authorities to put a stop to the tyrannical behaviour of the military, particularly towards the poor and weak inhabitants of the area ranging from Skopje as far as Sofia and Philippopolis [3]. About the middle of 1825, when Mehmed Reshid Pasha was engaged in the siege of Mesolónghi, he writes that Albanian brigands had made their appearance in the districts of Anaselítsa, Hrúpista, Flórina, Korytsá, Prilep and Ohrid [4].
From his camp at Mesolónghi, he sent instructions to the authorities in Western Macedonia concerning various questions that were causing him concern [5]. Α part of his message blames certain Christian inhabitants of Monastir for carrying out transactions, perhaps of a speculatory nature, with the assistance of people of some importance, and which were damaging to the state [6]. The repercussions of the hostilities at Mesolónghi were to be felt in Macedonia; exactions of money
2. Turkish Documents, 4 (1818-1827) 104.
3. Ibid., pp. 104-105. 4. Ibid., p. 107. 5. Ibid., pp. 110 ff. 6. Ibid., p. 112.
662
and kind upon the inhabitants [1], the conscription of persons, no doubt to act as labourers, for the war against the Greeks [2], and the migration of peasants from the Flórina area [3] to avoid these oppressive measures. Even after the fall of Mesolónghi this arbitrary treatment continued [4]. Many inhabitants were pressed into forced labour of various kinds, along with their beasts, especially in the conveyance of munitions. It is recorded that seven peasants from the village of Libóhovo (Dílopho), near Anaselítsa, were burnt to death with their animals at Phanári in Thessaly, when the gunpowder they were transporting caught fire [5]. Many of those who had sought refuge in the forests perished as a result of want and numerous other hardships. Their bodies were taken by night and buried in their village cemeteries [6]. There is little doubt that during this period, and perhaps even after the end of the insurrection, large numbers of Kutsovlach families left for areas now in Yugoslavia; and it is almost certain that other Greeks, as well as Slavs and Albanians, must have fled in that direction [7].
The Moslem Albanian irregulars who were oppressing Macedonia, particularly the western parts, offered as an excuse the fact that they had not been paid any wages by the Turks since they had descended into Southern Greece to supress the revolution. Even within Thessalonica, the seat of the Paşa, the Albanians had provoked and insulted the newly-formed Turkish troops and had caused numerous disturbances [8].
Siátista, the renowned ϕλουροχώρι, twice attracted the attention of marauding Albanians: in 1827 and 1830, when they attacked the town under their commanders, Tafil Buzi and Aslan Bey [9]. On both occasions the Albanians were decisively repulsed by the inhabitants, who barrackaded themselves within their strongly-built houses — veritable fortifications in themselves —, in the churches of St. Paraskevi and St. Demetrius, and in the town's fortress-tower (Goulá). Precise details of the raids and of their dates are still not available, because we know of them only
1. Turkish Documents, 4 (1818-1827) 112 ff.
2. Ibid., p. 115. 3. Ibid., pp. 115-116. 4. Ibid., 5 (1827-1839) 22-23.
5. Vacalopoulos, Ἱστορία Λιμποχόβου, «Φάρος Β. Ἑλλάδος» 2 (1940) 114.
6. Vacalopoulos, ibid., 114.
7. See Popović, On the Cincari, p. 55.
8. See unpublished report of the Austrian consul at Thessalonica 3 May 1828 (Haus-, Hof- und Staatsarchiv, Türkei VI).
9. See Vacalopoulos, Δυτικομακεδόνες ἀπόδημοι, p. 26.
663
through oral tradition (committed to paper many years after), and from the folk-songs which still survive [1].
The second incident concerning the Albanians is connected with the plundering of Kozáni. After the Turkish defeat at Pétra in Boeotia, on 13th September 1829, Aslan Bey retreated northwards with his Albanian troops to Tsarítsani and Elassón, where they spend the winter. On the 1st May 1830, 2.000 of these Albanians took possession of Kozáni, where they pillaged and perpetrated every kind of violence for almost
Fig. 217. Old house in Drama.
(Photo N. Constantinides)
a month, forcing the terrified inhabitants to abandon their city. After this, Aslan Bey turned upon Siátista, but its inhabitants, as we have seen, put a valiant fight and managed to escape the fate of Kozáni [2].
Kastoriá also suffered greatly during the revolution. Her inhabitants, especially the wealthy ones, were forced to take troops into their houses and provide for their keep during the whole of their stay there. Tradition has preserved the memory of the oppression and hardships inflicted by Skodra Pasha in the area of Kastoriá, and also around Mon-
1. Vacalopoulos, Δυτικομακεδόνες ἀπόδημοι, pp. 26-27, 41, where there is the relevant bibliography.
2. Lioufis, Ἱστορία τῆς Κοζάνης, pp. 94-96. See also Vasdravellis, Οἱ Μακεδόνες, 2nd edit., p. 337.
664
astir and Prilep [1]. Albanian rebels and brigand bands ravaged other parts of Macedonia, but the Greeks, despite the diminution in their number and wealth during the first years of the revolution, soon began to show signs of recovery.
At Sérres, the Greeks made up the majority of a population of 35.000; while the Turks formed barely 20%, and the Jews 5% at the most [2]. The Greek notables (Primati e Signori) of Sérres were considered by the Austrian consul at Thessalonica as "always the arbitrators and absolute masters of the place" (30th September 1829) [3].
Fig. 218. Macedonian house at Dránovo (Monastiráki) near Dráma.
(Photo N. Constantinides)
However, in the ağalıks of Dráma (see figs. 217, 218, 219) and Zíchna, it was the Turks who held the more prominent position, and in these districts there was widespread anarchy, just as in Western Macedonia. Ambitious military commanders, aspiring to become local administrators, sought to impose ancient hereditary rights, threatened their op-
1. Tsamisis, Καστοριά, p. 45. On the commandeering of food and lodgings, see historical confirmation in Turkish Documents, 5 (1827-1839) 13-17.
2. See unpublished record of events in the Sérres region on 22 September 1829 in Österreichisches Staatsarchiv. Abt. Haus-, Hof- und Staatsarchiv. Türkei VI. Consulat Salonich (1807-1834).
3. See the unpublished report of the consul in the same archive as above.
665
ponents, and spread disturbance and fear amongst the inhabitants [1].
At the same time, the Albanian rebels and brigands were bringing terror and devastation to Eastern Macedonia. Saban Gika (or Geka) from Mat in Northern Albania, with a number of başıbozuks and brigands who had come southwards from Sumla after the end of the Russo-Turkish War (1828-1829), launched themselves upon the kazas of Kilkis, Strumica, Petrítsi and Siderókastro, plundering and maltreating the inhabitants. However, the Albanian was finally defeated by the Turkish
Fig. 219. Turkish house in a Macedonian village.
(From Schultze Jena's, Makedonien, plate 79, following p. 187)
forces of these regions, as well as of Sérres, and forced to beat a retreat in the direction of Thessalonica. The Sultan subsequently issued the necessary orders for his extermination [2].
The details of Saban Gekas' incursion into Eastern Macedonia come from an unpublished report by the Austrian consular agent in Sérres, Antonios Dumas, dated 13th December 1829. According to this document, the Albarıian robbers poured into Petrítsi, set fire to the booths of the town's trade-fair, and then entered Melnik without meeting any
1. See unpublished record of events in the Sérres region on 22 September 1829 in the same archive as above.
2. Turkish Documents, 5 (1827-1839) 47-48.
666
resistance; for the city's tyrranical Ayan (chief notable) was not disposed to defend this naturally strong position. The Albanians not only forced the cowardly Ayan to pay 125.000 kuruş to save his harem, but also extracted a sizeable sum from the Kadı, as well as 60.000 kuruş
Fig. 220. Domestic utensils from a Macedonian house.
(A. Goff - Η. Α. Fawcett, Macedonia, a plea for the primitive, London 1921, opposite p. 106)
from the Orthodox Bishop. But these losses were nothing compared with the plunder taken from the inhabitants. The raiders not only seized money, but also utensils (see fig. 220), clothes, and indeed anything that they could lay their hands on. They loaded everything onto horses, and one portion was sent home to Mat and the other to the Albanian Ayan
667
of Demir Hisar (Siderókastro), Mulla Ali. They then stormed, into the plain of Sérres, and abandoned themselves to plundering the Christian villages, committing every kind of outrage against the unfortunate villagers. Finally, the Turks of Sérres and Zíchna, in conjuction with some small forces which the Rumeli Valisi, Reshid Pasha, had sent from Dubnitsa, hastily prepared to engage them. In the meantime, Saban Geka, with about 450 men, took over the çiftliks of Humóntos, Ada and Kamela, which were fortified and well-stocked with provisions, while his captain, Maxut, with a similar number of men, encamped at Sírpa and Nigríta. Saban Geka eventually moved in to join them, his force now having swollen to 700 men, and he took possession of the neighbouring village of Tsérpista, after committing dreadfuf brutalities at the aforementioned çiftliks. He was forced to give battle at the çiftlik of Fitók, but being heavily outnumbered, he fell back on Tsérpista, Sírpa and Nigríta. Here again he plundered and committed outrages against the inhabitants, stripping them of all their money and precious objects. Since his opponents did not continue with their pursuit, and made no attempt to surround him in these villages, Geka was free to plunder and carry off his spoils at will and at his own pace. His laden horses, mules and donkeys were able to pass with impunity into the kaza of Thessalonica, across the Axios, and continue the journey home to Albania [1].
Mehmed Reshid Pasha was hurrying back to Monastir from the northern front after the end of the Russo-Turkish War, to deal with this critical situation [2]. The first few days after his arrival proved to be difficult ones, as he was short of money and munitions, but he received firm economic support from the Greek merchants of Monastir. They readily agreed to assist the Paşa and lent him a large sum of money to meet his basic requirements, in spite of the continuous burdens and persecutions that they had borne at the hands of the Turks, and the serious effects, of the anarchy inflicted upon the surrounding area by the Albanians [3].
1. See the excerpt from the report of Antonios Dumas, of 13th December 1829. See also the report of the Austrian consul at Thessalonica for 18th December 1829 in Österreichisches Staatsarchiv etc., Türkei VI. Consulat Salonich (1807-1834). Spandonides, basing himself on the oral tradition of the people of Melnik, puts the plundering of the city by Saban Gekas at the beginning of the 19th century (Spandonides, Μελένικος, p. 30).
2. See interesting details about Reshid Pasha in Urquhart, The Spirit of the East, 2, pp. 331 ff.
3. Urquhart, The Spirit of the East, pp. 321-330.
668
Around the middle of the following year, 1830, Mehmed Reshid summoned the Albanian commanders, Aslan Bey, Kaplan Bey and Veliko Giatso [1], with other less important beys and their men, on the pretest of paying them their long-overdue salaries. It was, however, a trap. The Paşa took them outside the city, ostensibly to watch some exercises performed by the regular troops, but then turned his own men against the Albanians and cut them down. Only a few survived and were able to escape [2].
Having rid himself of all internal dangers, the Rumeli Valisi made Monastir his permanent headquarters. The position of the city, and indeed of the entire area, was vital; with Ohrid and the surrounding passes, it held the key to the high mountain peaks and the network of passes that pierced the mountain system.
From Monastir, Mehmed Reshid was able to watch events in Albania, particularly the activities of Mustafa Pasha of Skodra, who was behaving suspiciously [3]. In 1831, this paşa led a rebellion, and Mehmed Reshid launched two attacks upon him, first on 20th April and later on 4th May. The Albanians were forced to withdraw from beyond Skopje, leaving their food and munitions in the abandoned camp. At the same time, the Porte announced a blockade of the sea-coast from the Ambracian Gulf to the port of Kattar, where a squadron of five corvettes and a frigate were deployed [4].
On 11th November, Mustafa Pasha surrendered and, on orders from Reshid Pasha, was put aboard a vessel at Durrës to be sent to Constantinople. The rebellion in Albania had been crushed [5].
Monastir was now able to develop freely into an important economic centre (see fig. 221), in which Greeks formed the majority of the inhabitants. It is interesting that, in February 1829, the Sultan, Mahmud
1. Veliko Giatzo was one of the Albanian leaders who had gone with Reshid Pasha, on 15th April 1825, to besiege Mesolônghi: Kasomoulis, Ἐνθυμήματα, 2, p. 61, note 3.
2. See Vacalopoulos, Ἱστορία Λιμποχόβου, «Φάρος Β. Ἑλλάδος, 2 (1940) 115. Aravantinos, Χρονογραϕία τῆς Ἠπείρου, pp. 387-388. Nicolaidy, Les Turcs, vol. 2, pp. 167-172. See also the unpublished report, dated 17th August 1830, of the Austrian consul in Österreichisches Staatsarchw, etc., Consulat Salonich (1807-1834).
3. Urquhart, The Spirit of the East, 2, pp. 320 ff.
4. See unpublished report, dated 16th May 1831, of the Austrian consul, G. de Chabert, in the above Austrian archive. See also Urquhart, ibid., 2, pp. 321-330. Vasdravellis, Άρχεῖον Βέροιας - Ναούσης, pp. 309-310.
5. See unpublished report, dated 15th November 1831, of the Austrian consul at Thessalonica, G. de Chabert; Österreich. Staatsarchiv, etc., Salonich (1807-1834).
669
II, issued a berat to the wholesale-merchant, Anastasius Tsalis, granting him the right to trade on land and sea, in Europe, Persia and India (descendants of the Tsalis are today living in Thessalonica). He and his employees were given the same freedom from taxes which was enjoyed by the dragomans of the European consulates and embassies [1]. Here one might mention that the market-day in Monastir was changed from Sunday to Saturday, in accordance with an order from the Sultan in
Fig. 221. Α road in Monastir during the last century.
(Archives of I.M.X.A.)
September 1831, following a request from the Greek merchants; but, as a result of protests from the Jews, this was subsequently changed to Monday [2].
2. After the successful dispersal of the Albanian irregulars it was clear that the Greek armatoli would be the next to be dealt with. Many of these, after fighting in Southern Greece, had returned to their old haunts and had become the centre of revolutionary activity in their own districts. The traveller Baker wrote in the middle of the 19th century: "More than any other Turkish subjects, except the Circassians, the Greeks are disposed towards banditry, and most of the bands which preyed habitually upon the regions of Thessaly and Macedonia contrib-
1. Turkish Documents, 5 (1827-1839) 53-56, where the relevant lenghty berat is quoted.
2. Turkish Documents, 5 (1827-1839) 61-62, 63.
670
uted nothing to the national cause" [1]. Neverthless, the armatoli and klephts of Olympus did in fact seek the liberation of their homelands.
At the end of 1827, rumours were already circulating concerning the imminent ending of hostilities in Greece and the decision on the fixing of frontiers. As liberation became a possibility, there were stirrings on Olympus and Piéria, and notables, clergy and guerilla-captains from these regions attended a secret meeting in the monastery of St. Dionysius on Olympus. In two declarations, on the 3rd November 1827, they requested the moral and material support of the Greek government. They especially asked the government to send Demetrius Hypsilantis to act as their leader, or the philhellenic Bavarian colonel, Heideck. Amongst the signatories were the brothers Diamantis and Kostas Nikolaou, George and Athanasius Syropoulos, Tolios Lazos, and Theodore Ziakas [2].
At the beginning of January 1828, the first governor of the Greek state, John Capodistrias, arrived at Návplion, the temporary capital. The Macedonian representatives, Diamantis Nikolaou, Tolios Lazos, George Syros and a number of their relatives travelled to Návplion to declare their allegiance, and were present at the ceremony when the first three corps took the oath before Capodistrias and the banners were handed over to the respective standard-bearers [3]. Α further corps of 1.000 men was recruited from Thessalian and Macedonian refugees and the command was entrusted to Tolios Lazos. According to Kasomoulis, "this was done because he was a scion of the brilliant Lazos family, and not because of his military ability. He was a mild man, patient, affable, well brought up and with some education. Also he was an acquaintance of our supreme-commander, Demetrius Hypsilantis". This appointment caused indignation amongst the detachments from Thessaly and Macedonia. It was particularly galling to the veteran captains, Karatasos and Gatsos, who were excluded from holding the rank of corps-commander because of their age. At that time, Karatasos was in Macedonia, where he was temporarily acting as armatolos on behalf of the Turks, in the region of Véroia. Diamantis and Kostas Nikolaou were also absent, having been given leave by Capodistrias to cross to Skiáthos to fetch their families. However, instead of returning
1. Baker, Turkey in Europe, p. 94.
2. Kasomoulis, Ἐνθυμήματα, 2, p. 685. Papadopoulos, Μακεδονικὰ Σύμμεικτα, «Μακεδονικὰ» 6 (1964-65) 156-163.
3. Kasomoulis, ibid., 3, pp. 42-43.
671
to liberated Greece, they went back to Olympus, hoping to recover their former armatolıks. Α force of ten companies, composed of fighters from Thessaly and Macedonia, was formed from such men as remained with Capodistrias [1]. Kasomoulis informs us that "this body of men, aged 25 and over, was the most gallant force organized to-date. Unfortunately, it lacked from the start a sincere and competent commander, capable of inspiring his men by his own example and of leading them in an effective campaign in Thessaly and Macedonia. They achieved some creditable results in a small number of engagements where they all acted together, but, for most of the time, they wasted their energy on ineffective expeditions along the coast, where they behaved more like pirates. As a result, morale was at a fairly low ebb, and very little was achieved in the way of action and organization by these remaining units" [2].
After Tolios Lazos had left his own armatolık, the Turks bestowed it on the sons of Liolios Lazos [3]. They, however, like the other guerilla-captains, were busy inciting revolutionary activity in the Olympus region, for they hoped, with the help of Capodistrias and the Great Powers, to promote the accession of their own districts to the newly-constituted state of Greece. Unfortunately, Capodistrias, whose activities were severely restrained by the Great Powers, was preoccupied with the immense problems which faced his devastated nation. Thus the question of the status of Thessaly and Macedonia remained unresolved.
Meanwhile, the Turks were making every effort to obliterate the centres of revolutionary activity in Macedonia. They pursued the Olympian captains and burnt the local villages, as well as the monastery of St. Dionysius, where they accused the monks of giving shelter to the klephts. The Turks also blew up the church, but this was so strongly constructed that only the roof and interior fittings were affected. The damage was repaired ten years later, but traces of the fire were plainly discernible for many years after [4].
The Macedonian captains continued to expect assistance from their brethren in the South. There is a characteristic letter, written by Diamantis Nikolaou and other captains, in the Department of Manuscripts of
1. Kasomoulis, Ἐνθυμήματα, 3, pp. 50-53, where the names of the Thessalian and Macedonian officers are listed.
2. Kasomoulis, ibid., 3, pp. 50-51.
3. Ibid., 3, p. 52. See also vol. 1, p. 80, note 4.
4. Heuzey, Le mont Olympe, pp. 129-130, 131.
672
the National Library of Greece (the new ıiumber is 6441). The letter runs as follows:
Most Noble Governor!
In this, our humble report, we petitioners make our presence known to your lıighly-respected Excellency. We, the inhabitants of Olympus, who have fought from the very beginning of the national struggle, have never failed to carry out our duty to the Fatherland, in the spheres of both war and politics. The enemy, apprised of our harmonious efforts on behalf of the Fatherland, has decided to destroy some of our number; Athanasios Mandalos, Zakopoulos and Michael Pitsiavas have been persecuted. The Turks have plundered their districts and have burnt down the main church and the revered monastery of St. Dionysius, our patron saint, as well as setting fire to all the forests of Olympus. In spite of all this partial destruction. we have remained united, but the enemy is now considering measures to destroy us all, thinking that, as they met no opposition from the above-mentioned, they will meet none from our quarter. They do not realise that all of us depend upon our common Ruler, without whose sanction we cannot achieve the smallest thing. Consequently, we bring ourselves to your notice and we beg you to send us your instructions. Should the enemy attack us and your Excellency's decision be that we oppose him, it would be necessary to send us munitions. If, on the other hand, your decision is that we must endure and not resort to arms, give us your orders and we shall obey them to the letter. We must tell you, however, that very few from this people have survived (and these only by virtue of our policy and with the help of God); and if we now withdraw, it will mean one more innocent sacrifice to the lawless tyrant, and this would be a great pity, considering our many struggles and losses, and the manifold injuries which we have sustained on bebalf of our country. Neverthless, we are ready, one and all, to carry out your Excellency's orders. Please send them as soon as you possibly can.
In a spirit of all due respect, we remain
Your most obedient fellow-countrymen, Men of Olympus.
8th October 1828
Olympus
The meetings of the representatives of the Great Powers to settle various questions, and in particular to draw up the mountain frontier,
673
continued in Póros. Capodistrias proposed as a more extensive frontier the line: Olympus - Hásia - Métsovo - Samarína - Gardíki - Palérmon. At the same time, the klephts and armatoli of Olympus were agitating for the inclusion of their region within the boundaries of Greece, and provoking a variety of reactions amongst the Turkish populations of Macedonia (and especially of Thessalonica), as is made clear in a report by the French consul, dated 1st December 1828. Α point in this report worthy of particular notice is the fact that the majority of the Turks in Thessalonica desired their district to be included in the newly-constituted state. The relevant passage runs as follows: "They also say that many Greek captains, such as Diamantis, Pitsiavas and others, whose authority extends throughout the whole littora around the slopes of Olympus, have suddenly raised the standard of revolt on behalf of their Nation, wherever their influence extends — after having apparently signified their submission to the Sultan and having served both sides at various times. Previously they had seized every opportunity for advancing their own interests, without openly taking either side. Although these events are taking place in the neighbouring area, I have not, hitherto, been able to obtain certain and detailed information on this subject.
One thing is certain, Your Excellency, that quite a number of Turkish families have arrived here from Lárisa and Yánnina. To a large extent they confirm the news that I have. They report, in particular, that they departed from their lands for safety, to avoid being involved, in the initial stages, with a foreign army, whose intentions were not known to them. But they add that they are well aware that the French are as merciful as they are courageous and generous; they will retum to their estates when order has been restored, when they are sure that their belongings will be safe and that they wiJl be free to carry out their religious duties.
I had the opportunity to discuss in person these matters with several of these people. They repeated their statements and showed not the slightest sign of any hostility towards our nation. I can also affirm, confidently, to Your Excellency that the majority of the Turkish inhabitants of Thessalonica would welcome almost any change, and particularly that their district should become part of the state of Greece, so long as they can be sure that the new states would be under the protection of the Three Powers and so long as those Powers intend to apply the same principles of government under which their own subjects have the fe-
674
licity to exist. The grandson of the celebrated Ali Pasha of Yánnina (the son of Muhtar), who is in exile here, is so convinced that Macedonia should become part of Greece that he begged M. Charneaud, secretary in the British consulate and temporary secretary in the Swedish consu-
Map 20. The last armatolıks of Macedonia in the early 19th century.
late, to receive a number of valuable objects on deposit in his own dwelling. He also requested asylum on behalf of the ladies of his harem in the event of naval squadrons or units of a European army approaching Thessalonica. Many Turkish notables, although not fully sharing this view, are thinking of taking the necessary precautions to safeguard their
675
properties on the far bank of the Axios River, five leagues west of the city, and as far as they think the boundary of the Greek state will be drawn. Naturally, they also contacted the Austrian consul to obtain his advice and to find out whether, in the case of unforeseen events, they should proceed with purely 'pro forma' sales" [1].
So the Greek commanders of Olympus awaited news from the Greek government; but the replies of General Demetrius Hypsilantis in November 1828 and that of Capodistrias in July 1829 dashed all their hopes. Such commanders as still remained in Macedonia were obliged to acquiesce in their harsh fate, to obtain reasonable terms from the Turks, and to ensure that they retained possession of their armatolıks. Their dream of a free homeland slipped away into an uncertain future [2]. From a document, dated 1st July 1829, composed by the Macedonian armatoli, we learn that George Syros was armatolos of Véroia, Demos Lazos and the brothers Thanasis and Anagnostis Bziotas were armatoli of Sérvia, Panayiotis Tsaras, son of Nikotsaras, was armatolos of Elassón, Demos Tzahilas of Rapsáni, Michael Pitsiavas of Litóchoro, with Poulios Tambakis and Yannis Dervekas armatoli of other districts [3] (see map 20).
After the annihilation of the Moslem Albanians, the Turks had an excellent apportunity to settle accounts with the Greek armatoli. On receiving secret orders from Mehmed Reshid, the Turks gained two successes: on 12th December 1830, Stergios and Sotiris Liakatas with 100 of their men were annihilated near Tríkala, and outside Domokós its armatolos, Savvas was killed. The armatoli of Hásia, Nasios Mandalos, the Psiras brothers, and Theodore Ziakas, escaped to liberated Greece. At the same time, the coast from Kateríni to Platamón and Tsáyezi was blockaded. The armatoli of Olympus were forced to seek asylum in Greece, helped by the mediation of the Russian consul, Angelos Moustoxydes [4]. In spite of this, conditions on Olympus and Vermion remained far from stable. Diamantis Nikolaou was accused by the Turks of sending bandits to these regions from liberated Greece [5].
1. Ministère Aff. Etrang. Corresp. Consul. Salonique, vol. 20 (1825-1829) 331-333.
2. See Papadopoulos, Μακεδονικὰ Σύμμεικτα, «Μακεδονικὰ» 6 (1964-1965) 167-169.
3. See Anonymous, Ἔγγραϕον ἱστορικόν, «Μακεδονικὸν Ἡμερολόγιον» 1910, pp. 332-333.
4. Kasomoulis, Ἐνθυμήματα, 3, pp. 345, note 1, 379, note 2. Enisleides, Ἡ Πίνδος καὶ τὰ χωριά της, pp. 132-133. On the representation of Greek interests by Angelos Moustoxydes see Delialis, Ἡ διαθήκη τοῦ Ν. Κασομούλη (1795-1871), pp. 14-15. See also Papadopoulos, ibid., pp. 169-172.
5. Vasdravellis, Ἀρχεῖον Βέροιας - Ναούσης, pp. 317-318.
676
Demos Tzahilas, armatolos of Rapsáni, proved himself to be equally insubordinate. His conflicts with the Turks are commemorated in the popular song, where Demos gives his instructions to his brother and his followers: