1

Activities till the Establishment of the Bulgarian Authorities

It was hard to make a clear distinction of what was achieved by the campaign committees prior and after the Bulgarian troops ar­rived in the region. Such a distinction would be a conditional one. Only six days separate the creation of BCCC on April 13, 1941 from the arrival of the Bulgarian army - April 19, i.e. less than a week. That refers mainly to the local campaign committees, most of which were founded after April 19. On the other hand, the arrival of the troops did not mean automatic organization of the administrative power for 24 hours. The latter required a longer period of time. It was enough to take into account that a greater part of the adminis­tration, not to mention the army superiors, was not familiar with the local conditions and needed time to adapt. Therefore, most of the activities of the campaign committees did not necessarily refer to the period prior to the arrival of the Bulgarian army. Another question was that namely then we had to distinguish their significance as in the period when authority lacked they managed to take power and proclaim for accession to Bulgaria. In quantitative aspect, however, the greater part of those actions should be regarded as supporting activities to the Bulgarian administrative authorities at their forma­tion and operation.

That was why without using a cliché we would try to divide the activities of the campaign committees chronologically even condi­tionally, in two parts - till the establishment of the Bulgarian author­ities and after that. The goals of the campaign committees at the im­plementation of which they actually aimed, could be divided in: rev­olutionary, organizational, economical and representative. The rev­olutionary task involved liquidation of the remains of the administra­tive authorities of Versailles Yugoslavia and of Kingdom Greece.

The organizational closely related to the revolutionary one. It con­sisted the formation of town and village campaign committees as self-managing bodies with the right to take care for the protection of the property, life and honour of the population in the region, for the food and the social order. The committees took care for meeting the cultur­al, educational, economical and political needs and rights of the pop­ulation in the region respective. The representative tasks of the cam­paign committees include mediation between the German, Italian (Al­banian) and Bulgarian military and civil authorities and the local pop­ulation in the region. The need of such mediation is related to the execution of various tasks connected with the main goal - less painful passing from the Serbian regime to new, Bulgarian authorities.¹ In the preface about the formation of the campaign committees we actually gave information for the performance of the revolutionary and orga­nizational tasks: the Serbian rule to be replaced with local Bulgarian self-management. So one could accept that the main part from the activities of the campaign committees until the arrival of the Bulgarian army was described in Chapter One.

Comparatively fast were replaced not only the administrative Serbian clerks, but also those in the economical, cultural and other spheres. Thanks to the activities of the campaign committees soon the operation of ail enterprises and factories was resumed, especial­ly those in tobacco monopoly. That was especially important for the workers who had no other income but their wages. Only in Skopje work was ensured for more than 3000 people.

Important moment in the activities of the campaign committees was organizing the guard of the public buildings - shops, stores, etc. Guards were placed in front of places of historical and cultural sig­nificance for Macedonia - museums, libraries and others. A sepa­rate council with the BCCC for Macedonia to deal with the educa­tional establishments and schools was convened, whose task was to take care of the scientific laboratories, book funds, inventory, etc.²

Essential task for the activists in the campaign committees was the restoration of the public community centers. It was not a secret that they had an important role in public education during the Re­vival and after it. The Serbs never had similar institutions and that was the reason for the hatred and for desire for obliteration. With the help of the established Bulgarian authorities the campaign com­mittees succeeded in their opening for a short time. So on June 9, 1941 in Prilep was restored the old Nadezhda Community Center. On July 1, 1941 was established a Community Center in Kavadartsi, on July 6 in Negotin, on July 16 was restored Ekaterina Simidchieva Community Center in Kumanovo, etc.³

Soon a Teachers' Committee with BCCC was formed, in which participated many Bulgarian teachers from the Secondary schools in Macedonia. Its main goal was to inform the respective bodies of the matters related to the Bulgarian education in liberated Mace­donia. The Teachers' Committee immediately started operation. In Skopje they made every thing, for the normal functioning of all edu­cational institutions. In connection with the restoration of the Bul­garian school education in Macedonia, BCCC ordered the local cam­paign committees to invite all Bulgarians - primary and secondary teachers in Macedonia and form together with them educational committees which to make popular the schools and institutes, the community centers in the towns and villages. Through the Mace­donia newspaper BCCC appealed to the local campaign committees to enter in connection with the legal authorities and to take all possi­ble measures to protect from robbery and destruction the school property (buildings, house possessions, libraries, collections, labora­tories, etc.). BCCC insisted also on returning by the former princi­pals and headmasters all items that were school possession. It recom­mended for that purpose information to be used not only from the inventory books and lists but also from trustworthy people. The BCCC insisted the culprits for disappearing, damaging or hiding of the prop­erty to be taken under liability. The Teacher's Committee insisted lists of the new teachers to be prepared and sent to BCCC as well.⁴ Free courses in Bulgarian language were organized by the initiative of the committee. For three days only in Skopje more than 800 peo­ple had enrolled.⁵

The campaign committees took special care for the public order. The activists of the committees did not permit personal argues and revenge against the former Serbian rulers. Having in mind the forc­ible nature of the Serbian regime in Vardar Macedonia such acts by the population were logical. Many local Serbian families were closed in camps by the Bulgarian population. Most of them however did not have any other fault except that they were settled by the Serbian authorities in the most fertile parts of the region. The big villains Vassilie Trbich, Mihail Kalamatiev, Kirkovich, Grigor Tsiklev as well as other Serbian bandits and spies, traitors of the Bulgarian national­ity had already escaped when they sensed the activation of the Bul­garian population, hiding from the revenge they deserved. Thanks to the committees as a whole the Serbs and the Montenegrins were released from the camps and were proposed to go back to their na­tive places in Serbia.⁶

However not everywhere the campaign committees managed to prevent the personal revenge. In some places extremists provoked tension and instigated in the population the desire for revenge. For example, in Skopje BCCC managed to prevent the lynch of the Ser­bian bishop Yossif, former bishop of Bitola who had blessed all ac­tions against the population during the Serbian regime.

At the time of the tour of V. Hadzhikimov round Macedonia several times he witnessed similar situations. In his native town Shtip the members of the former IMRO captured the brother of the traitor Mihail Kalamatiev, responsible for the murder of many Bulgarians and wanted to punish him. Hadzhikimov interfered and explained that not the sin but the deed should define the punishment. Threatslt got to threatening and pulling out knives and guns followed. But the good sense prevailed.

In Prilep the situation was hard. The Serbian authorities had permitted to Serbian and Montenegrin families to live in Pelagonia and they them were given the most fertile land In most cases the land was forcibly taken from the Bulgarian population. That circumstances excavated a gap between the local people and the Serbs. The citizens of Prilep gathered in one camp with wire nets all Serbi­ans together with their women and children. The spirits were agitat­ed. Even a bloody revenge was prepared for the intruders. V. Hadzhikimov said “If I had not arrived on time, about midnight, the camp in which they were gathered with the children and wives would have been a slaughter.”⁷

Most significant, however, for the condition in Macedonia at that time was another incident, again in Shtip. A group of men led by the communists Vancho Parkev and Dimche Belovski took the citizens that were forced by the Serbian authorities to be members of the commission for constructing a monument to general Kovachevich, murdered by members of IMRO - general Kovachevich. With whis­tles and abuses they were jostled to the monument with an intention to push it down and after that to be punished. The quick interven­tion of Hadzhikimov, however, saved them from death.⁸

The above case was not the only one at that time in Macedonia and requires some explanation. The Serbian regime of violence as well as any regime of that kind in the world imposed on people some compromise. Of course, not all of them could accept it. That was why the prisons in Nish, Lepoglava and Pozharevats were full with Bulgarians from Macedonia between the two World Wars.⁹ The great­er part of the population was forced to make some compromise, as a logical step, because people were afraid of punishments, afraid to sacrifice their health without any effect. So the forcible compromis­es were often met events. Great number of Bulgarians from Mace­donia that care for their Bulgarian name and pure Bulgarian sense were compelled by circumstances to act against the Bulgarian spirit. How could otherwise be named the acceptance of the Macedonian nationality between the two wars. Compromise in the conditions of brutal intimidation, when in Macedonia the notion “Bulgarian” was a synonym of enemy. Even the concept “communist” did not evoke such anger in the Serbian administrative authorities. It was logical in that case ways for survival to be sought. When the Serbian rule was ousted in Macedonia the question was raised about the Bulgarians who had done similar things. The attitude towards them had to be tactful and careful because they were forced in the conditions of oppression to temporize. Unfortunately not all of them understood the correctness of the policy of the campaign committees in that re­spect. In most cases people did not react tactfully, especially after the arrival of the Bulgarian authorities.

In support of above we would indicate the words of General Hristov in 1931 in the Military Historical Collection Magazine. He was worried that the most vigilant Macedonian Bulgarians moved from Macedonia and settled in the liberated parts of the realm. “This flux of emigrants intimidates the country with absorption by other nations or makes it an easy plunder. We did not exaggerate when we have drawn the national consciousness of a people, abandoned by its intellectuals and we did not want more from it. It is enough that they fight with the raw nature, keep the language and add to Macedonia Bulgarian feature."¹⁰ That was the right understanding, how­ever, it was not shared by all.

In the relations with the German military authorities the activists of the campaign committees met some difficulties. They came mainly from the circumstance that at first the Germans did not eliminate the Serbian and Greek administration. Another was the question that a great number of the administrative clerks, feeling guilty for their mis­takes before the local population, run away afraid of the punishment they deserved. However, what allowed the committees operate and rose them up to the mark was their activity during the so called period of lack of power. The shock from the defeat of the Yugoslav army, the lack of an agreement between Germany and Bulgaria about the des­tiny of Macedonia confused the people to a great degree. In that mo­ment when passiveness was the main feature of most parties and na­tional organizations, the vacuum in Macedonia was a favorable field for the patriotic Bulgarian spirit. The people, led by the campaign committees - a democratic institution - had a wide field of action by which to demonstrate its Bulgarian belonging.

Even where they did not achieve big success - in Aegean Mace­donia - the campaign committees had the possibility to prove to the Germans that the Serbian and Greek administrative power was not wanted and that they could establish their own Bulgarian authority.

What were the relations between the German military authori­ties and the campaign committees. In the Bulgarian press there was information with an element of propaganda, that the municipality units of 3 people were appointed by the German authorities. Such information appeared for Skopje and Tetovo. However, the prevail­ing information was that they were chosen by the campaign commit­tees or directly by the population. In some places as it was in Stroumitsa, the German authorities provided weapons for the civil police. Everywhere they allowed the population to express freely its Bul­garian belonging and in general tolerant to the establishing local authorities. That rule was considered by the German commandants as mediator between them and the population. Along with that, the anti-Serbian character of the campaign committees was in their favour having in mind the need of rendering harmless isolated groups of the Yugoslav army. So they admitted that authority, but did not cre­ate it. For them it was useful"

Another problem was that the German military authorities per­mitted free foundation of Albanian campaign committees that propagandized the accession of Macedonia to Great Albania, i.e. as well under Italian protection. That worsened the relations between Bul­garia and Italy. By intensifying the Bulgarian-Italy disagreement, Germany strengthened its power on the Balkans. In fact, it appeared that by defeating Yugoslavia the German army gave the possibility to the people in Macedonia to express their national belonging. Nev­er mind what were the considerations, but Germany allowed the Bulgarian population to put to an end the Serbian denationalizing authorities and to establish its own rule to answer to its to their na­tional character.¹²

It was not by accident that in its first edition the Macedonia news­paper published a telegram of BCCC to Hitler. It reminded that dur­ing -World War I in 1914-1918, Macedonia was liberated with the joint efforts of the German and Bulgarian armies. After the end of the war Macedonia again was left under foreign rule by virtue of the Versailles system. The latter, as the telegram said, was ,,a system of violence by the capitalistic and mason civilization of England, France and America". However, the century-long rule - Greek, Turkish and Serbian, that were reinforced in XX century with un­bearable economic and social torture, did not eliminate the national spirit of the Macedonian Bulgarians, that' were preserved with un­precedented difficulties and great self-sacrifice. The telegram ex­pressed the assurance that the Bulgarians from the enslaved until recently Macedonia as well as the emigrants abroad, blessed the Germans and wished them further victories.¹³

Except to Hitler, BCCC sent a greeting telegram to Goering. Macedonia newspaper published the answer of Goering in which he expressed his conviction that every Macedonian Bulgarian who loved the freedom would make everything possible to help the Ger­man army. ”Use your influence over all Macedonian Bulgarians in Yugoslavia and Greece to join to the German army and to help for overthrowing of the suppressors.”¹⁴

The existence of such relations between the German military authorities and the Macedonian Bulgarians was in accordance with the events from March 1941. Then the demonstrations in the Mace­donian towns against the participation of Yugoslavia in the war had insignificant impact. That explained why the guerrilla movement in Macedonia started relatively late and was not active as compared to the other regions in Yugoslavia. In the German army the Macedonian Bulgarians saw a liberator.

The interest of the German intelligence services towards the cam­paign committees was understandable. The representative of the Abwehr, Dr. Richter asked for a meeting Simeon Bourev - the man who provided to Stephanov and Hadzhikimov documents of transla­tors with which they had passed the border. Bourev organized the meeting in Bristol hotel in Skopje. Present were Stephanov, Hadzhikimov, Bourev and Richter who expressed a desire BCCC to serve the Abwehr. The answer was negative, or more precisely, a diplomatic.¹⁵ In that way the Germans wanted to check the attitude of the central committee to their country and hold it under control.

From its establishment, BCCC created friendly relations with the government of Croatia. One of its first tasks was to send a greeting telegram to the president of the country Dr. Ante Pavelich (Docu­ment N. 37).¹² The telegram saluted the struggle of the Croatian people for independence, led by Ante Paveiich. BCCC expressed its gratitude to him as well as to the Croatian people for the help to the Bulgarians in Macedonia and their liberation.¹⁶ As it was well-known, during the legal proceedings against the students from Skopje in 1927 the lawyer from Zagreb, Ante Pavelich was the only one who de­fended the accused students - Bulgarians from Macedonia.¹⁷ It was not strange that the two countries exchanged greetings. But no deep­er collaboration was achieved Pavelich sent two representatives in Skopje for establishing of contacts. According to Hadzhikimov, their visit was inspired not by Pavelich's wish to get acquainted with the situation and activities of the campaign committees but rather by his friend Ivan Mihaylov.¹⁸

The activities from the campaign committees did not succeed and hardly wanted to establish good relations with the Italian authorities in the territories occupied by them in Western Macedonia.

In his letter to the Prime Minister Bogdan Filov from May 26, 1941 the president of BCCC, Stephan Stephanov requested the orga­nizing of a special office or private centre, as he called it, of good patriots who would trace the propaganda from Italy for autonomous or independent Macedonia. According him, the Italians used as tools the Albanians, Turks, Tsintsars, Serbs, Jews and some ,,Macedonians" (meaning traitors Bulgarians) suggesting them the idea of Macedonian nationalism.¹⁹ Obviously, the alert Bulgarian consciousness of the activ­ists from the committees perceived the danger of the transformation as hostile to the Bulgarian spirit nevertheless it came from the Serbi­ans, from the Italians or from somewhere else.

In the same letter Stephanov asked the Prime Minister for ener­getic steps before Italy for their impact on the Albanians to stop the violence towards the Bulgarians in the Macedonian territories, oc­cupied by the Italians. According to him the outrages were done without the knowledge of the Italian authorities. He insisted the Bul­garians not to be forced to send their children in Serbian schools - opened to instruction of the invaders. And the most important thing that Stephanov asked for was food to be sent to the Bulgarian popu­lation in those parts.²⁰

So the liberty rose above Macedonia. The joy of the Bulgarians in Macedonia with that great historical event was indescribable. They waited the Bulgarian army in rapture. The campaign commit­tees prepared for their meeting round the whole of Vardar Mace­donia.

Especially joyful was the meeting of the army in Skopje. When the troops entered the town many people overcrowded the streets. They grabbed the bumpers of the cars, opened the doors and kissed the soldiers. The officers were carried on hands. Until late at night Skopje rang with the Bulgarian “Hurrah” that was forbidden to the Macedonian Bulgarians for 20 years. On Easter the Bulgarian bish­op Stephan served a prayer and held an ardent speech with which he greeted the citizens of Skopje with the liberation. A big church procession was formed, participated by the population and the army.²¹

The Bulgarian troops were met festively not only in Skopje, but everywhere in Macedonia. In Pehchevo, for example, the popula­tion expected whole day and night the arrival of the Bulgarian sol­diers. The first subdivision arrived at 1 a.m. The ring dances and merriment lasted until dawn. The same was the situation in Gevgeli. There the campaign committee organized a torch procession during the night. In the both places the population helped the Bulgarian army with anything it could. Two arches were constructed in Kumanovo especially for the meeting of the Bulgarian army. Shtip was also luxuriantly decorated. The population regarded the arrival of the Bulgarian army as celebration and it was evident from the fact that the citizens of Veles and Lerin insisted to come to their towns and be heartily welcomed, as the population in Skopje did. The people in Tetovo sent a delegation with the same request but their per­sistence hid the fear that the town could be occupied by the Italians, as it happened later.²²

Impressive was the meeting of the Bulgarian army in Bitola. Out of 35 000 population 30 000 people went out to meet the troops. A great number of people approached the wagons, embracing the sol­diers and giving them flowers. Girls in national costumes who came from Smilevo especially for the case waited at the station; there were also the alive participants from the Ilinden-Preobrazhenie Rebel­lion in 1903 with special lions on the hats made to initiative of the local campaign committee.²³ In the name of the citizens a letter was sent to the Bulgarian Tsar Boris III. In it the Bulgarians from “the historical and tormented Bitola” shared their unseen joy at the meet­ing of the brave Bulgarian soldiers – “our dear brothers”. With that letter the people showed their deep feelings of gratitude and admi­ration. They expressed their deep gratitude and devotion to ”the Motherland - the whole Bulgaria and its wise ruler - Tsar Boris III, who was called ,,Tsar of all liberated and united Bulgarians'⁴. The letter ended with exclamations: “Long live Your Majesty and Your family! Long live the brave Bulgarian army! Long live Great and United Bulgaria!".²⁴.

Special attention deserved the meeting of the Bulgarian army in Ohrid. That town, that Bulgarian relic was liberated from Italian occupation a little bit later. The Bulgarian armies entered the town on May 15. The population of many villages crowded towards Ohrid for their meeting. At the outskirts of the town, especially round the village of Kossel there were camps with peasants. It rained when the troops entered the town but that did not stop the citizens from going out in the streets and showing their joy. At midday the soldiers were in town. The whole town met them with “Hurrah” and tears. Gener­al Lindeman, commander of the German army in Macedonia, made a speech in which he said: “I am happy in connection with the name day of the Bulgarian Tsar Boris III to present the old Bulgarian cap­ital Ohrid - the Bulgarian Jerusalem as a gift." The enthusiasm and the joy were indescribable. All present started crying after those words. The unification of the Bulgarian country as the strongest one on the Balkan Peninsula was achieved. In the name of the people a telegram was sent to the Tsar.²⁵ Everybody triumphed, celebrated and sent sincere gratitude for the liberty and wishes for prosperity of Tsar Boris III, Tsar of all Bulgarians. He also did not waste time and visited the newly liberated Bulgarian lands to share with the citizens his joy with the liberation.²⁶

On the border line at Chernata skala units from 6^th Infantry divi­sion found graves of perished German soldiers. The troops paid ho­nour to the perished and continued their way to Tsarevo Selo (to­day's Delchevo). In some places along the roads there were flutter­ing flags. In the centre of the village was placed a poster with the inscription “Welcome brothers liberators!” The column continued towards the regional center of Kochani. There the soldiers were met with Bulgarian flags and placards.²⁷

In Prilep the meeting of the Bulgarian army was organized per­sonally by the president of the local campaign committee - the old clerical teacher Milan Nebrekliev. The population had gathered from the whole town and the villages round it. Tricolored and black-red flags with signs “Freedom or Death” and “Long live mother Bulgar­ia” were fluttered everywhere. People cried with joy and shouted “Hurrah”. As treasured guests the soldiers were accommodated in the houses round the town.²⁸

The meeting of the Bulgarian army in Vardar Macedonia in April and May 1941 was a real triumph of liberty. Lilac decorated the way of the troops, which went to their garrisons and to establish the Bul­garian authorities. The cars, the guns and the soldiers were in flow­ers. Touching scenes between the liberators and the liberated brought tears even in the most hard-hearted soul.²⁹

In the journal of 4^th Infantry Company from 2^nd Battalion of 14^lh Infantry Macedonian Regiment along the other things was written, “April 23, 1941, At 10 a.m. the battalion in composition - the Head­quarters, 4^th Infantry and 1^st Heavy Machine-gun Platoon as a front guard advanced to the town of Radovish ... In the evening about 8.30 p.m. the battalion arrived in town and was met by the citizens. Boards were hung, “Welcome, brothers!”', “You granted us the liberty of Macedonia!”, etc. The people sung old rebels' songs as “Be proud Mother Bulgaria with Your Heroic Sons” and “He is Alive, He is living”.³⁰

Everywhere in Vardar Macedonia the arrival of the Bulgarian army, was met with exceptional warmth by the population, orga­nized in the most cases with the help of the campaign committees. People went out at the roads, streets and squares, saluted the soldiers and sang Bulgarian songs, brought flowers. In many villages rang the bell, danced the national ring dance and shouted “Hurrah”.³¹

The establishment of the administrative and military power in the liberated from the Germans Bulgarian lands was performed in a most solemn way. The German Head Commandantship of the army that was operated on the Balkans handed over the towns in the presence of the citizens, organized by the campaign committees. The German flag was taken down and the Bulgarian tricoloured flag was raised. Those days were memorable to the Bulgarians who suffered under the Turkish, Serbian and Greek rule. After the establishment of the Bulgarian authority the restoration from the destruction of the war continued with the help of the campaign committees.³²

With the entering of the Bulgarian army in Vardar Macedonia started the organization of the administration and the police bodies. “United Bulgaria" was proclaimed - the slogan of the campaign com­mittees was materialized. Tsar Boris together with Prince Kiril and the Minister of War General T. Daskalov visited some towns in Var­dar Macedonia. First, the Tsar visited Shtip - the strongest fortress of Bulgarian spirit. The whole town went out to meet them. Every­body wanted to see and to greet them. Flowers and kerchiefs flew in the air towards the Tsar's car that hardly moved between the crowd. Afterwards he visited Stroumitsa, Giumiurdzhina, Dedeagach, Xanti, Kavala and Drama. Two districts were formed in Vardar Mace­donia - Skopje and Bitola and in Western Thrace and Eastern Mace­donia - another one - Xanti. Pirot, Tsaribrod and Bossilegrad were incorporated in Sofia region.³³ For director of Bossilegrad region was appointed Todor Pavlov, and for Skopje district - Anton Kozarov. All executive bodies were subordinate to the director of the region, except the military administration. He managed the region in state and political aspect.³⁴

For the attitude of the Bulgarians from Vardar Macedonia towards the Bulgarian authorities spoke the meeting organized by the cam­paign committees in honour of the Prime Minister Bogdan Filov who visited Shtip, Veles and Skopje. In Shtip a lot of people gathered in front of the town-hall. From the balcony of the town-hall Filov made a patriotic speech. In spite of 150 houses demolished and the 70 victims in the bombings the citizens of Veles met with joy the liberation.³⁵

Special attention should be paid to the meeting of Filov in Skopje. There on the square enormous multitude of people waited for the prime minister. Organizer of the meeting, as in Shtip and in Veles, was the campaign committee. Apparent was the great enthusiasm and the endless cheers at the meeting. The officials went to the balcony of the Military Club. Welcoming speech was delivered by the president of BCCC Stephan Stephanov as well as by his deputy and mayor of the town Spiro Kitinchev. B. Filov answered with short speech what was interfered by long “Hurrah”. In his speech the Prime Minister point­ed out that it was not enough to win the freedom, but to keep it which required “unanimity and solidarity”. “I finished with 'Long live' for the Tsar, Hitler, Mussolini, the whole Bulgaria and the liberated citi­zens of Skopje”, wrote B. Filov in his diary.

In the town-hall talks were held with the notable citizens, prob­ably members of BCCC. Statements made Dimitur Giuzelev and Dimitur Chkatrov. They insisted that the opinion of the fighters for the freedom of Macedonia was taken into account when solving the problems related to the management of the region.³⁶

The refugees in Bulgaria also had shown their enthusiasm with the liberation of Macedonia. The presidents of the five cultural edu­cational organizations on July 15, 1940 signed a declaration for the accession of Vardar and Aegean Macedonia to Bulgaria. They sent a greeting telegram to Tsar Ferdinand. In reply he wrote: “I am happy that I am alive even in exile to see Macedonia whole, free and united with the Motherland Bulgaria, which was my dream and my irremediable desire.”³⁷

In liberated Macedonia the jubilant population met the Easter holidays. The Bulgarians from the campaign committee in Koumanovo sent to Tsar Boris III a greeting letter in connection with Easter. They shared with the Tsar their faithful attitude and expressed their enthusiasm with the liberation. The Bulgarians from Koumanovo called themselves “faithful guardians of Bulgarian spirit”. They prom­ised to serve to their country most officially. They stood for whole Bulgaria from the Danube to the Aegean Sea and from the Black Sea to the Monte Negro mountains. The letter was signed by the mayor of Koumanovo Teodossi Dzhartov, member of the local cam­paign committee (Document No. 3S).³⁸

The liberation of Vardar and Aegean Macedonia from Serbian and Greek rule made happy not only the living there Macedonian Bulgari­ans but many emigrants in Bulgaria. On April 13, 1941 - the day of the liberation of Macedonia - a delegation of the Macedonian Scientific Institute with Professor Stephan Badzhov at the head visited the German Ambassador in Sofia, baron Richtchoffen and presented him with a greeting letter. Professor Badzhov shared the enthusiasm of the emi­grants from Macedonia with the swift victories against the suppressors. He also expressed their gratitude for the liberation achieved in result of the victories of the German arms. In his speech the professor reminded that the first book in modern Bulgarian language was printed in Salonica and the first town that asked a Bulgarian bishop was Skopje. “Nothing had separated us”, said professor Badzhov, “until the English policy invalidated united Bulgaria (based on San Stephano Treaty), detached Macedonia from the Principality of Bulgaria and returned the enslave­ment."³⁹ The liberation of Macedonia and Thrace raised the self-respect of the emigrants in those lands that went along with their desire in large numbers to go back in their native places.⁴⁰

Their recognition of the solemn meeting of the Bulgarian army gave also the Yugoslav communist activists, close to Tito. Svetozar Voukmanovich - Tempo who had arrived in Skopje on February 26, 1943 as a delegate of CC of Yugoslav Communist Party (YCP) at the CC of Macedonian Communist Party (MCP), made the follow­ing conclusion in his report to CC of YCP: “The people met with flowers the Bulgarian occupiers and even the German ones. Of course that did not mean that guerilla groups would not be formed as the Bulgarian representative Boyan Bulgaranov thought. Contrawise, the Bulgarian occupier had to be forced by guerilla actions and politi­cal work to show its face, to undertake repressions against the peo­ple and pull down the mask of a liberator. It took time for the Bul­garian occupier to show his real face."⁴¹ The provocative demeanor of the Tito's followers was undoubted. But the patriotic feelings of the Bulgarians in Macedonia were also beyond any doubt.