1
The Political Situation Prior
to the
Appearance of the Campaign Committees
To
understand the role and the
place of the campaign committees, why they appear in such form and
nature on
the historical stage, what circumstances and reasons made them come to
life,
one should be reminded some moments from the situation on the Balkans
in the
beginning of 1941.
The population in Macedonia
was
unprecedentedly torn in bigger and smaller groups. For that
various
linguistic-groups the Serbian rulers had taken good care. But the
guilt was
not only theirs. There is still animosity between Protogerovists and
Mihaiiovists. Serbian national socialistic organizations as
Chetnik, the
organization of the retired officers, the organization of the
pensioners and
the Sokol organization existed also until the beginning of .the war.
All of
them suppressed and dispersed the Bulgarian population with the aim to
make
them Serbs. In Macedonia
operated propagandists of the Great Powers who wanted to attract the
population
on their side promising to resolve the Macedonian question. So the
English
propaganda was led by Serbian clerks and the army. The French
propaganda was
led by the teacher in the French school Dr. Louise D. Voos. The Italian
propaganda for accession to Italy
was also well organized with the assistance of the locals. The Greek
propaganda
was well developed. The Greeks and their followers were tolerant to the
Serbian
(Yugoslav) authorities. Serb, Greek and Bulgarian followers of the
Greeks
worked together for their mutual cause - the English. The Turkish
propaganda
led by Akif Alilov was faithful to the Serbian authority and
together they
planted the Anglophile and the Francophile policy. Even one of the
most
insignificant groups in Macedonia
led by Dr. Simeon Berber worked for the annihilation of the Bulgarian
spirit.
The Jews group, that enumerated several thousand people affiliated
with the
ruling Serbs, carried out propaganda in favour of the democratic
countries".1
All show
how complicated was the
situation of that time in Macedonia.
The political sympathies were intertwined with the national feelings.
As a rule
the non-Bulgarian elements were for the English-French block and the
Bulgarians
- for the power of axis. Besides, some of the former revolutionary
activists
were not far from the thought of solving the Macedonian question
through
accession of Macedonia
or
parts of it to Italy.
The followers of Ivan Mihaylov fought for the independence of Bulgarian
Macedonia. In this situation the Bulgarian population was divided
in different
groups. It was powerless and without faith. Everybody ,,pulled the rug
to
himself". And time was crucial. The situation changed dynamically.
On January
4, 1941 Bogdan Filov was
on the audience with Hitler and Ribentrop. The Germans insisted Bulgaria
to
join in the pact quickly as possible. They promised a guarantee against
all
complications in international aspect. If Bulgaria
entered the axis it would have their assistance for taking the Aegean Sea region. Bogdan Filov asked about Macedonia
as
well. The Germans however firmly refused. They convinced him that
it was
impossible everything to be solved at once, that some things should be
left to
the future generations. Of course that was due to the fact that Yugoslavia
was
ready to enter the axis. That was why the Bulgarian government did not
ask for Macedonia
again and accepted the thought that Bulgaria
had to enter the pact despite that the
liberation of Macedonia
was not ensured.2
On March 1,
1941 in Belvedere Palace
a protocol for the accession of Bulgaria to the
Berlin-Rome-Tokyo
axis was signed. There was not a word about Macedonia
in the protocol. On March
25 the same year the government of Tsvetkovich-Machek integrated Yugoslavia
to
the pact. On the next day in the Serbian towns appeared demonstrators
with
slogans against the pact. Demonstrations with similar slogans were
held in Skopje
but they were
rather feeble. The Bulgarian population here regarded the eventual
defeat of Yugoslavia
as
the only way to the liberation. The Anglophile Serbian intelligentsia
preferred
to be loyal to patrons from Versailles
and completed a state coup with Dushan Simovich in the lead.3
The
declaration of the new
government and its denouncement of the Triparty Pact was the reason Yugoslavia to be treated as an
enemy by Germany.
Hitler
made a decision to attack Yugoslavia
simultaneously with the raid in Greece.
This created conditions the Bulgarian question for Macedonia
to be brought up. On
April 8 a telegram from Berlin was
received,
in which was proposed to Bulgaria
three divisions to occupy Serbian Macedonia and to administer it
so that the
German troops remain free.4
The
military operations against Yugoslavia
started on April 6, 1941. On April 10 Zagreb
fell, on April 13 - Belgrade.
On April 15 the seventeen years old King Petar II and the
government emigrated
in Greece and from
there to Egypt.
On April 17 - only for 11 days - the artificial Versailles creation
endured
serious defeat.5 Kingdom Yugoslavia, that dungeon for the
nations,
fell apart in several days as a result of its military failures as
well as
because of the unwillingness of the peoples and the national minorities
to live
under "one roof" in the Versailles state community, that symbolized
social exploitation, denationalization and assimilation,. Great Serbian
chauvinism and hegemonism.6
The
Bulgarian population in Macedonia met
with open joy the defeat of Kingdom Yugoslavia. It saw in it the end of
the 23
years of enslavement. That is why it was not surprising that the
Bulgarians
from Vardar Macedonia,
mobilizated in the Yugoslav army refuse to fight.7 Similar
was the
situation in the World War I when the Macedonian Bulgarians forcibly
mobilized
in the Serbian army in large numbers surrendered to the Austro-Hungarian
army.
On April
18, 1941 the Bulgarian
government received a telegram from Ribentrop in which specified the
regions to
be taken by the Bulgarian army units. According to this telegram the
Bulgarian
units could occupy: l) Western Thrace, limited by the dividing line of
Moustafa
Pasha (todays Svilengrad) - Kiupriuliu-Dedeagach as well as Eastern Macedonia - between Strouma and Mesta
rivers. 2)Vardar Macedonia
- to the river Vardar and the Western Territories
(Zapadni Pokrainini) - to
the line Pirot-Vrania-Skopje. Ribenstrop's telegram said that the line
was
temporary, i.e. that it could be moved to the west of the river Vardar as well. Berlin
promised soon to start negotiations about the interim settlement of the
territorial issues, arisen from the dissolution of Yugoslavia
which actually happened.
The movement of the Bulgarian army started in Vardar Macedonia
on April 19, and in the
Aegean region - on April 20.8
The independent state of
Croatia was
established in
the territory of Versailles Yugoslavia Part of the Croatian
seaside, Monte Negro and
Dalmatia were taken by Italy.
The Reich took Northern Slovenia with the town of Maribor.
Southern Slovenia was occupied by Italy. Serbia was put under the direct control
of Germany.
Hungary
received Bachka, Barania, Intermurie and Crossmurie. Bulgaria got back
Tsaribrod, Bossilegrad, Pirot, Vrania and 4/5 of the territory of
Vardar
Macedonia, The remaining 1/5 - the western part with the towns of
Tetovo,
Gostivar, Debur, Kichevo, Storuga and some villages south from
Ohrid - were
occupied by Italy.9
The fast
advancement of the German
army in Macedonia
created a possibility for rejection of the hated Serbian and Greek
regime in
the region. The lack of Bulgarian troops and authority led to a
certain
political vacuum in which appeared the campaign committees. The idea
for the
creation of similar committees did not appear at once. It was born
during talks
between some of the representatives of the former Internal Macedonian
Revolutionary Organization (IMRO), (united). Those were the famous
Pavel
Shatev, Alexo Martoulkov, Hristo Ampov, Stephan Stephanov and Vassil
Hadzhikimov. The break of World War II on September I, 1939 inspired
the whole
Bulgarian community, at the first place the refugees from the
occupied parts,
to seek ways for the liberation of Macedonia. The time was
dynamic and
everyday new things happened. On March 1 it became obvious that this
time Bulgaria would
try to solve the national
question with the help from Germany.
On March 27 as a result of the coup of General Simovich, Yugoslavia
left
the Thiparty Pact. The above members of the former IMRO (united)
started more
frequently to meet and exchange thoughts about the future of the
occupied
territories. Their meeting point was the Tsar Osvoboditel coffee shop
and the
confectionery ,,Ohrid". The main theme was what to be done about the
Bulgarian cause in Macedonia.
According to them the followers of Mihailov would strive for
independent Macedonia
and the followers of Gerov - for Macedonia
in the limits of Yugoslavia.
The
latter would lead to needless complications if not to fratricides.10
In the
course of the talks it
became obvious that the task of organizing the Bulgarian
population in
.Macedonia had to be assigned to two energetic people - Stephan
Yanakiev
Stephanov and Vassil Dimitrov Hadzhikimov. The two of them had endured
the
unbearable terror in Vardar Macedonia.
Both of them had suffered and would suffer in future for the freedom of
their
native land.
Vassil
Dimitrov Hadzhikimov was
born on October 29. 1903 in one of the biggest strongholds of Bulgarian
spirit
in Macedonia
- Shtip's area Novo Selo. There every home gave at least one famous
revolutionary. Every home gave a sacrifice for the liberation of Macedonia
- at
first from Turkish and later from Serbian rule. His mother was a
student of
Gotse Delchev, when he was a teacher in Shtip. Even more - the house of
Hadzhikimov was near to the house where the famous revolutionary used
to live. In
the Shtip's area Novo Selo the men rarely died out of natural death. So
there
was no wonder that Hadzhikimov grew as a tireless fighter for the
liberty of Macedonia.
His
life - from the youth - started in Yugoslavia. There he
graduated a
Serbian high school. As an eight grade student he became -a member of
the
Yugoslav Communist Party (YCP). The police arrested him for spreading
the book
,,Land to the Peasants - Macedonia
to the Macedonians" from Kosta Novakovich. After some time he started
disapproving the position of Yugoslav Communist Party about the
national
question and became a member of the Macedonian Youth Secret
Revolutionary
Organization (MYSRO). In it Hadzhikimov worked until 1925 when he went
to Bulgaria
and
joined IMRO (united). In Sofia
he studied law for four years. And besides he enrolled and finished the
Open
University, “Consulate” specialty."
Stephan
Yanakiev Stephanov was born
in Kratovo. He graduated law and worked as a lawyer in Skopje. In the
case against the students in Skopje
in 1927 he
defended the accused students from MYSRO. After the process Stephanov
was
attacked and beaten by Serbian volunteers. He went to Zagreb but the
Yugoslav police arrested him
under false pretence. He was sent to Belgrade,
but managed to escape in Austria
from where after some time he went to live in Bulgaria.
He maintained close
relations with the activists of IMRO. Stephanov spoke German and
French, After
the closing of the BCC he worked as a clerk in Skopje.12
The plan developed by
Stephan Stephanov and Vassil Hadzhikimov consisted of the
following: they
consider that the conditions might force Bulgaria
not to participate in the war for the liberation of Macedonia.
In that case their task
would be to lead the struggle for the autonomy of Macedonia.
The Germans were not
strangers to the idea of creating a new Macedonia under their
patronage. They
needed it mostly for the good communication Nish-Skopje-Salonica and
because of
the ore deposits. The second task was to prepare the people react if
the
question to which country Macedonia should be integrated was
raised - to Bulgaria,
Serbia (Yugoslavia), Greece, Albania or Germany the people to be
prepared for
actions, demonstrations, petitions and manifestations for
accession to
Bulgaria.
That
political goal could be
achieved only if two main tasks were accomplished: abolishing the
Serbian and
Greek police machine in Vardar and
Aegean
Macedonia; unification of the people in one organization. Both of them
considered the second task most important and basic. The practice
later proved
that the old machine could be relatively easily destroyed with the
entering of
the Germans. The established campaign committees took the
administrative power,
but the unification of the people, who for one reason or another were
forced to
serve to the Serbian (Yugoslav) administration, turned out to be a
hard,
despite not unaccomplishable task.
Yugoslavia was defeated in short terms and
dissolved. Negotiations were held on governmental level for the
accession of Macedonia
to Bulgaria.
Under the changed
political situation Stephanov and Hadzhikimov decided that their task
would be
reduced to formation of a Central
Committee (CC) with a network of committees -in towns and villages -
where they
should take power and announce accession to Bulgaria.
Such
organization of the people
would be helpful for the Bulgarian authorities that would probably
be
established there and which would not have idea of the local
conditions. The
fulfillment of that task would enjoy the understanding of the Bulgarian
community
in Macedonia
as it proved later. However Stephanov and Hadzhikimov went to Macedonia
without the blessing of the government.13
On April 6,
1941 the war against Yugoslavia
began, that brought liberation for
the greater part of Macedonia.
Stephanov and Hadzhikimov obtained travel permits for which later
they would
be formally convicted. In the night of April 8 they traveled from Sofia to Skopje
through Deve Bair with a German truck. In Skopje
they learned that not only they had travel permits, but hundreds of
other
citizens engaged in the commercial and administrative network for
normalization
of the life and the order had. Later in court in 1946 the public
prosecutor
based his arguments on their permits as some essential “corpus delicti”
to
which the accused Hadzhikimov replied that in Lenin had also received
similar
permit to travel from Europe to Russia.
He also asked if that meant that Lenin was a German spy. “Politics and
conspiracy", said Hadzhikimov, “often did not select the means to
achieve
the set goals."14