Оn 10 July 926, ‘Michael, rex Sclavorum’ took possession of the port of Siponto, controlled by Byzantium. Therefore, it seems certain that in July 926 Michael did not act as an imperial ally in Apulia, nor his fleet descended upon the shores of the Apenine peninsula as a rescue force against Arabs, Lombards or any other enemy. The only enemy that threatened Siponto in 926 was Michael, ‘rex Sclavorum’ as Bulgarian ally.[26] Michael apparently sacked Siponto (Latin: Sipontum), which was a Byzantine town in Apulia on 10 July 926.[1]




Няма българска или руска версия!


Michael of Zahumlje


Michael of Zahumlje (reign usually dated c. 910–935),[6], also known as Michael Višević (Croatian/Bosnian/Serbian Latin: Mihajlo Višević, Serbian Cyrillic: Михаило Вишевић) or rarely as Michael Vuševukčić,[7][8] was a semi-independent, or independent Slavic ruler of Zahumlje,[9] in present-day central Herzegovina and southern Croatia, who flourished in the early part of the 10th century. Prince Michael of Zahumlje having a common boundary with the Serbia and probably with Kingdom of Croatia, but was an ally of Bulgaria. He was nevertheless able to maintain independent rule throughout at least a good part of his reign.[10]


Michael came into territorial conflict with Petar of Serbia, who expand his power to the province of Narenta or Pagania, west from the Neretva River.[11][12] To eliminate the threat, Michael warned his ally, the Bulgarian Tsar Simeon I, about the alliance between Peter and Symeon's enemy, the Byzantine Empire.[12] Symeon attacked Serbia and captured Peter, who later died in prison.[13]


Michael was mentioned together with Tomislav of Croatia in Pope John X's letter of 925.[10] In that same year, he participated in the first church councils in Split,[10] something that some historians have taken as evidence of Zahumlje being a vassal of Croatia. In any case, Michael, with grand titles of the Byzantine court as anthypatos and patrician (patrikios), remained ruler of Zahumlje through the 940s, while maintaining good relations with the Pope.[14]




Before the annexation of Serbia in 924, Bulgaria did not yet border on Zahumlje and a part of Croatia lay between both lands. For instance, the chronicler John the Deacon (d. 1009) says that in 912, a Venetian traveller who had just passed through Bulgaria and Croatia on his way home, next found himself in Zahumlje.[19][20]

Map of the territorial extent of Michael's Chelmia (Zahumlje) at its zenith, between the Kingdom of Croatia and the Bulgarian Empire.



Alliance with Simeon I of Bulgaria


The earliest occurrence of Michael in the sources is from 912. Venetian chronicler John the Deacon recorded that at that time Pietro, son of the Venetian doge Ursus Particiacus II (912-932), was treacherously captured on his return from a diplomatic mission to Constantinople by Michael, "a prince of the Slavs" (dux Sclavorum), when he wanted to pass through the lands of the Croats. Before Pietro entered Croatia, on his way home, when he entered Zahumlje, or when he entered province of Narenta or Pagania, Michael dux Sclavorum had him captured and sent as a gift to Simeon I of Bulgaria.[21][22][23] Since 912, Michael was a close ally of Simeon I of Bulgaria, who had been mounting a number of successful campaigns against the Byzantine Empire.


Оn 10 July 926, ‘Michael, rex Sclavorum’ took possession of the port of Siponto, controlled by Byzantium. Therefore, it seems certain that in July 926 Michael did not act as an imperial ally in Apulia, nor his fleet descended upon the shores of the Apenine peninsula as a rescue force against Arabs, Lombards or any other enemy. The only enemy that threatened Siponto in 926 was Michael, ‘rex Sclavorum’ as Bulgarian ally.[26] Michael apparently sacked Siponto (Latin: Sipontum), which was a Byzantine town in Apulia on 10 July 926.[1]


(26) Uzelac 2018, p. 242-244.


Aleksandar Uzelac Prince Michael of Zahumlje – a Serbian ally of tsar Symeon / 236-245

В:  СИМЕОНОВА БЪЛГАРИЯ В ИСТОРИЯТА НА ЕВРОПЕЙСКИЯ ЮГОИЗТОК:1100 ГОДИНИ ОТ БИТКАТА ПРИ АХЕЛОЙ, I, Ангел Николов, Николай Кънев (съст.),  Университетско издателство „Св. Климент Охридски“София, 2018





Mario Ioffredo, Presenze_slave_in_Italia_meridionale_sec.pdf



стр. 19:


Ma tra il IX e il X secolo, più che insediamenti, le fonti testimoniano la

presenza comune di Slavi e Saraceni, impegnati a depredare le navi cristiane

specialmente nell’Adriatico25 dove, durante la prima metà del X secolo,

sembra configurarsi una concomitanza di intenti, anche se non un accordo

di effettiva cooperazione26


But between the 9th and 10th centuries, rather than settlements, the sources testify to the

common presence of Slavs and Saracens, committed to preying on Christian ships

especially in the Adriatico25 where, during the first half of the 10th century,

there seems to be a concomitance of intent, even if not an agreement

of effective cooperation26



25. Soprattutto Venezia subì dure sconfitte nel giro di pochi anni, si veda almeno GIOVANNI

DIACONO, Istoria Veneticorum, La cronaca veneziana del diacono Giovanni, in Cronache veneziane

antichissime, I, a cura di G. MONTICOLO, Roma 1890 (Fonti per la Storia d’Italia, 9), pp.

59-171: 114-115.


26. Cf. L. MUSSET, Entre deux vagues d’invasions: la progression slave dans l’histoire europeenne du

Haut Moyen Âge, in Gli Slavi occidentali cit. (nota 18), II, pp. 981-1028: 988.



стр. 20:


Saracens widely employed the Slavic slaves on their ships, in fact

the Arabic sources quote several times the qaqāliba, a term that initially designated

the Slavic prisoners captured by the Franks in their incursions into Europe

Eastern Europe and subsequently resold on the markets of al-Andalus [27]. Many

of these mercenary slaves could also rise to positions of command and

prestige. Between 922 and 924 the Chronicle of Cambridge and al-Bayān of Ibn ‘Iārī

mention a certain Mas'ūd, at the head of twenty ships, who sacked the fortress

of Sant’Agata - in all likelihood near Reggio Calabria - for then

return with loot and prisoners in al-Mahdiyya28. Even greater was the

expedition of his successor, the Slavic ābir, in fact the Chronicle reports that,

between 927 and 930, he prepared himself with a large fleet on the coasts

of southern Italy, where with three incursions, repeated a short distance each

on the other, he plundered various cities and captured many prisoners before returning to

Africa. Ibn al-Aīr, on the other hand, does not explicitly mention ābir but reports

that the looting in the south was the work of the emir army of Sicily

- Sālim ibn Rašīd - assisted by an additional corps of armed men

from imām fatimite bUbayd Allāh al-Mahdī ibn al-usayn. It can plausibly be

deduce, however, that this last expedition was just that

headed by ābir 29.



стр. 21:


Some Arab sources also recall the sending by the Fatimites, in 951, of a new Slavic commander, Faraǧ, who at the head of

a fleet and a powerful army supported the Sicilian emir al-anasan ibn

ĪAlī - founder of the kalite dynasty - in the attack on the Calabrian centers30. A

confirmation of such incursions by Western sources comes from

chronicle of Wolf Protospatatory and by the Annales Barenses which, respectively

to the year 924 and to the 925, they remember the sacking of Oria from Saraceni31.


In all likelihood, during periods of respite between one raid and the other,

Irābir and his men settled in Palermo32. Perhaps right from the residence

of Slavic soldier-slaves in the service of Mas'ūd and irābir rose in the capital

of the emirate alārat al-aqāliba, the "Slavic quarter" mentioned in the description

that Ibn awqal makes of the Sicilian city, after his visit dating back

in April 973. It was the most populous district of the urban center,

near which the port also stood33.



стр. 22:


Relations between the Slavs and southern Italy were also intertwined with

great cases of "international politics". The context is that of the siege

of Emperor Ludwig II to the city of Bari controlled by the Emir Sawdān.

To better understand the overall picture we must look at the events

that affected the entire Adriatic Sea, as well as the courts of Constantinople

and the emperor of the West [34].

The Byzantine ruler Basil I, from the beginning of his rise to power,

he tried to reaffirm his authority in the West, where Constantinople

it was gradually losing ground (the Muslim conquest of Sicily and occupation

of much of Puglia, forays into southern Italy and

in the Adriatic, loss of power in Dalmatia, aim of the Frankish Empire on

themata italici) and for this purpose it employed the fleet to strengthen the Byzantine positions.

On the other hand, the emperor Franco Ludovico II had been there since 846

committed to facing the Agarens in the South by trying to drive them away

from their bases, repeating the feat in 852 and 860 but without success,

until in 865 he decided to put a definitive end to the worrying

Muslim occupation of Bari. The ends of the two emperors therefore coincided

and they tried to establish an agreement for a joint operation.

In 869 Basilio sent the patrician Niceta Orifa with a fleet of 400 ships

to support the land attack of Ludovico, who however had already retired from the

walls of Bari. The city was then taken in 871 by the only Frankish forces, incapable

however, to defend it from the Saracens of Taranto so much as the citizens of Bari

were voluntarily handed over to the Byzantines in 876 [35].



стр. 23:


But what is most interesting here is that Costantino Porfirogenito

mentions the intervention in the siege of Bari, alongside the Byzantine forces,

of contingents sent by Croats, Serbs, Zaculmi, Terbunioti

and from the Kanalites, together with the men of Ragusa and all the other cities of the

Dalmazia [38].


Add to this a letter from Ludovico II to Basil I reported

by the anonymous Salernitano. Based on the content it can be dated between the

free outlet of Bari (3 February 871) and the beginning of Benevento's imprisonment of

Ludovico (10 August 871) and is a reply from the emperor frank a

a missive - unfortunately lost - sent to him by Basil I [39]. The text contains

above all the reasons for the legitimacy of the title of emperor of Ludovico

II but they also ask for explanations on the reasons why the emperor

of the East had attacked "Sclavenis nostris cum navibus suis apud Barim

in procintu comunis utilitatis consistentibus » [40]. Scholars have identified

such Slavs with the Croats or the Narentans, but this second identification

is unlikely given that they were never really submissive to



стр. 24:


an external authority, to thus constitute a force to rely on [41]. THE

In fact, Narentani represented the most turbulent and indocile population

among the various Slavic powers organized along the Dalmatian coasts and completely dedicated

to piracy, for centuries they constituted a constant danger for Venice

and for any safe navigation on the Adriatic [42]. It is possible instead

agree with the Gay according to which the reference by Ludovico a

Sclavinie e Sclaveni is nothing but the mention of a traditional heritage

of the Carolingians, who considered the Croatian territories to be their own relevance

and the Croatian lords as their vassals [43]. Following this hypothesis, the Croats would be

intervened in the siege of Bari alongside the imperial imperial forces

and not at the service of the Byzantines, as stated by Constantine Porfirogenito.



(41) For the relations between Franks and Croats see the studies contained in the Byzantines, Croats, Carolingians.

Dawn and sunset of kingdoms and empires (9 September 2001 - 6 January 2002, Brescia, Santa Giulia

- City Museum), edited by C. BERTELLI - G. P. BROGIOLO, Milan 2001; but also,

with relative discussion, VILFAN, State evolution cit. (note 18), pp. 103-140 and F. BORRI,

The Adriatic between the Byzantines, the Lombards and the Franks. From the conquest of Ravenna to the peace of Aachen

(751-812), in "Bullettino of the Italian Historical Institute for the Middle Ages", CXII (2010), pp. 1-









Konstantin Josef Jireček (1854–1918) treated them as a distinct South Slavic tribe.[51] ...


According to Croatian historian Ivo Goldstein, the Narentines "could not be regarder neither Serbs nor Croats."[54] Budak wrote that the Narentines were "undoubtedly a distinct ethnic group", who "disappeared as a separate ethnicity when their principality was joined into Croatia".[55





Происхождение неретвлян неясно. Византийский император Константин Багрянородный считал неретвлян одним из сербских племен[3][4][5]. По другой версии, они могут быть как хорватским племенем, которое прибыло на Балканы во время главной миграции после 626 года, так и племенем склавинов, которое ранее перебралось сюда из-за Дуная во время великой склавинской миграции между 609 и 615 годами. Возможно, племя образовалось в результате смешения этих двух славянских миграций[6].